E-mail:
Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com
Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu
Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu
Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu
Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu
Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com
Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu
Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu
Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu
Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu
Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu
Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu
Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu
Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu
Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu
David Luban david.luban at gmail.com
Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu
Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu
Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu
John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu
Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com
Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com
Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com
Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu
Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu
David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu
Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu
K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu
Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu
Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu
David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu
Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu
Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu
Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu
Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu
Teaching Materials for Fisher v. University of Texas
JB
[These are the discussion notes for Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin. A version of these notes will appear in the 2013 Supplement to Brest, Levinson, Balkin, Amar and Siegel, Processes of Constitutional Decisionmaking (5th edition).]
Discussion
1. Fisher appears to
be a compromise opinion that sends the case back to the Fifth Circuit but does
not purport to make new law. Following Grutter, Texas had added a race-conscious
component to its admissions policies because it believed that its existing
facially race-neutral policies-- which included Texas's Ten Percent Plan--produced inadequate educational diversity. The
plaintiffs disagreed, arguing that the use of race could not be narrowly tailored given the existence of formally race-neutral methods.
The court explained that narrow
tailoring “involves a careful judicial inquiry into whether a university could
achieve sufficient diversity without using racial classifications. Although `[n]arrow
tailoring does not require exhaustion of every conceivable race-neutral
alternative,’ strict scrutiny does require a court to examine with care, and
not defer to, a university's `serious, good faith consideration of workable
race-neutral alternatives.’ Grutter. Consideration by the university is
of course necessary, but it is not sufficient to satisfy strict scrutiny: The
reviewing court must ultimately be satisfied that no workable race-neutral
alternatives would produce the educational benefits of diversity. If ‘a nonracial approach ... could promote the
substantial interest about as well and at tolerable administrative expense,’
then the university may not consider race. Wygant v. Jackson Bd. of Ed.,
476 U.S.
267, 280, n. 6 (1986).”
Note the Court’s formulation of the narrow tailoring test, including its citation to Wygant (a plurality opinion from 1986). Will the Court’s narrow tailoring test make it more difficult for colleges and
universities to justify the use of race in admissions?
2. Justice Ginsburg criticizes the majority for treating
ten-percent and class-based affirmative action programs as race-neutral,
arguing that such plans are obviously race-conscious in purpose and design. Fisher suggests that the Court is
willing to recognize a difference between benign and invidious race-consciousness
in the creation of formally neutral programs and statutes (i.e., programs that
do not overtly make racial classifications). The Court also seems to be willing
to allow governments to use formally race-neutral means to achieve greater
representation of minorities in colleges and universities.
In this
respect, Fisher seems to follow
Justice Kennedy’s limiting concurrence in Parents
Involved. On the other hand, is Fisher
consistent with the plurality opinion in Parents
Involved, which strongly opposed “racial balancing”? That depends on
whether the plurality’s analysis applies only to situations where the
government employs explicit racial classifications or considers race in
distinguishing among citizens. Is Fisher
consistent with Ricci?