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For those of us who use the language and tools of human rights in
social justice advocacy, progress is a kind of leitmotif of our work: aren’t we
aiming for better places, better things?
In the last decade, sexual
rights has begun to function globally as one of the new markers of ‘progress’
in contemporary human rights work. From
being a set of rights which were interpreted
into more accepted rights (health rights, reproductive health, rights of
bodily integrity, rights of association and expression) sexual rights, mostly in the guise either of
women’s sexual and reproductive rights or
‘gay rights’ are emerging as clear independent standards.
This emergence is
hard fought and deeply prized, and yet I am reluctant to use the word
“progress” in this work. After
twenty-five years of this work, I think rights work can be happiness-making
without the certainty that it sticks as ‘progress’. Some of my reluctance to
trumpet sexual rights as progress lies in my ambivalent relationship to the
construct of progress generally, and some lies in the particular role sexual
rights are playing in global politics.
In all social
justice work, allies are imperfect, coalitions fail and heroes fall. Many policy and law reforms ostensibly for
the good generate unintended harms, as when the recognition of the new crime of
‘trafficking’ mostly resulted in the visas of young women being pulled at
borders. Repressive efforts by states
such as anti-homosexual propaganda laws and criminalization of information on
contraception ironically succeed in producing the homosexual and the autonomous
woman. None of this would surprise post-modernists, Foucauldians or critical
legal theorists, but it seems to me rarely admitted in rights work.
Progress seems to me to be a vexed concept in human rights
work: it lends rights advocates the
vantage point of righteousness and judgment, the perch from which we condemn
injustice and call for new and better things. It evokes hope for the oppressed, as in the
pronouncement by Martin Luther King, Jr
that “the arc of history bends
toward justice”. As a value in justice work,
it works with my mother as well
as on the street and it even succeeds in the courts, evoking nods of judicial
approval, as in the US Constitutional standard which celebrates “evolving standards
of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society” , Trop v Dulles (356 U.S. 86, 1958 ).
And yet, progress as
a value tossed into rights work also skitters dangerously close to the edge of
superiority rather than solidarity in work in human rights. Progress
also serves as a sharp- edged ruler
held by whomever is the current victor:
it divides civilizations into
civilized and un-civilized, the latter
fit for conquering and exploiting as they are brought into progress, into the
light. In the ranking and arranging of
nations and peoples in hierarchies of importance. Different inquiries into rights have played
active roles: this too is the legacy of invocations of progress in rights.
Women’s rights has
played this double edged role for over a century, as evaluation of the
treatment of women was factored into standards for decolonization (see some of
Karen Knop’s analysis in Diversity and
Self-Determination in International Laiw for the UN’s role in this, and Lata
Mani’s work on Contentious Traditions for a fine exploration of British-Indian
struggles over women’s rights). Rights
work has often been fiercely criticized for its replication of the posture of
“white men saving brown women from brown men’, as Gyatri Spivak famously
phrased it.
Contemporary sexual
rights work has some of this same tendency in the hands of the nations who have
picked up the standard as part of their geopolitical positioning. Moreover, perhaps because sexual rights has
had to gain credibility as a form of rights work, advocates have often mistaken
respectability for respect. There are
many moments in which ‘progress’ in the sexual rights claims of one group has
been made by the strategic clambering of one group up the ladder of respectability over the
backs of others. Some sub-groups ascend
the sexual hierarchy by conforming to as many of the prevailing standards of
sexual legitimacy as possible. Other
advocates seek the longer and more difficult route of changing the standards of
sexual legitimacy for everyone. Think of the respectability attached to
monogamy, sex without money, regulated fertility. These short cuts to advance by groups are not
new problems, or unique to sexuality, nor are they likely to end—they are part and
parcel of social struggles.
If one takes a
historical perspective as the starting point for doing rights (both as the
context in which struggles arise and as the thing that one is in) there is no
end game in rights work. Benjamin described
the Angel of History to have its face “turned towards the past. Where we see
the appearance of a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe,
which unceasingly piles rubble on top of rubble . …..But a storm… drives him
irresistibly into the future, to which his back is turned, while the rubble-heap
before him grows sky-high. That which we call progress, is this storm."
It seems to me that rights advocates, including sexual rights
advocates, need to assume the rights claims will change with use—and seek to
see a kind of aliveness in social and
political engagement, not success or victory
as a single point . To treat rights work deontologically rather than
teleologically. And to give it a rest
just sometimes. We are in history, not
the end of it.
Alice M. Miller is Co-Director, Global Health Justice Partnership of the Yale Law School and the School of Public Health and Assistant Clinical Professor, Yale School of Public Health. You can reach her by e-mail at alice.miller at yale.edu