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Friday, June 01, 2007
A Most Important Development on CIA Interrogation, Electronic Surveillance, and Congressional Oversight
Marty Lederman
As reported by Scott Shane in the New York Times today, the Senate Intelligence Committee yesterday approved an Intelligence Authorization Act for the Fiscal Year 2008. The bill itself is very important, as is an accompanying Report.
Comments:
The House-passed version of the same intelligence authorization (HR 2082) also contains an interesting provision, added as a floor amendment just before passage three weeks ago.
The amendment, sponsored by Adam Schiff (D-CA) and Jeff Flake (R-AZ), is obviously aimed at eliminating even the argued "AUMF" rationale for the domestic surveillance program the Bush administration conducted until early this year: SEC. 504. REITERATION OF THE FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE SURVEILLANCE ACT OF 1978 AS THE EXCLUSIVE MEANS BY WHICH ELECTRONIC SURVEILLANCE MAY BE CONDUCTED FOR GATHERING FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE INFORMATION. (a) EXCLUSIVE MEANS.—Notwithstanding any other provision of law, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (50 U.S.C. 1801 et seq.) shall be the exclusive means by which electronic surveillance may be conducted for the purpose of gathering foreign intelligence informa1tion. (b) SPECIFIC AUTHORIZATION REQUIRED FOR EXCEPTION.—Subsection (a) shall apply until specific statutory authorization for electronic surveillance, other than as an amendment to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (50 U.S.C. 1801 et seq.), is enacted. Such specific statutory authorization shall be the only exception to subsection (a). (c) DEFINITIONS.—In this section: (1) ELECTRONIC SURVEILLANCE.—The term "electronic surveillance" has the meaning given the term in section 101(f) of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (50 U.S.C. 1801(f)). (2) FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE INFORMATION.— The term "foreign intelligence information" has the meaning given the term in section 101(e) of such Act (50 U.S.C. 1801(e)). FYI, here is the text of the House bill.
What is interesting about the amendment concerning CIA interrogations is that the intelligence committee reviewed the coercive interrogations, recognized that they have been effective and implicitly recognized that they do not constitute torture in violation of statute because this provision is not termed and exception to the torture statute.
While it appears to be erroneously relying upon the power of the purse to enact this provision, Congress clearly has the power to enact this amendment under its power to set rules for captures regardless of any signing statement of the President. The amendment itself attempts to limit the use of coercive interrogation techniques to so called ticking bomb scenarios and is therefore exceedingly bad policy given the Senate's own finding that this program has "demonstrated value" in non ticking bomb interrogations. The President should work to get it stripped out or veto the bill.
Bart,
Read the post. The amendment to which you object is not in the bill. It failed to be adopted in committee.
From the summary I read via TPM link, the bill is pleasingly strong, and at first blush about exactly what "We the people," the professionals in the field, and those in the legal community who know this/these areas of law who aren't bonkers have been demanding and prescribing.
Let's see how it turns out. And what happens when that necessary straightjacket is sent to Bushit with the demand that he submit to it without unseemly resistance. And what happens when he likely vetoes. Bushit is going to get hit upside the head by Fall defections by Congressional Republicans. Then we'll look again at his veto options. Hopefully at minimum it will shut up those who've been bashing the Democrats for "not doing anything" as if there weren't Republicans in the same room with them.
Bart: ... the intelligence committee reviewed the coercive interrogations, recognized that they have been effective and implicitly recognized that they do not constitute torture in violation of statute because this provision is not termed and exception to the torture statute.
The committee impicitly recognized no such thing. To the contrary, it said: "Significant legal issues about the CIA detention and interrogation program remain unresolved. ... The Committee urges prompt completion of such a legal review as soon as possible ..."
JaO said...
Read the post. The amendment to which you object is not in the bill. It failed to be adopted in committee. You are correct. My mistake. Bart: ... the intelligence committee reviewed the coercive interrogations, recognized that they have been effective and implicitly recognized that they do not constitute torture in violation of statute because this provision is not termed and exception to the torture statute. The committee impicitly recognized no such thing. To the contrary, it said: "Significant legal issues about the CIA detention and interrogation program remain unresolved. ... The Committee urges prompt completion of such a legal review as soon as possible ..." I am speaking of the legislative language and you are citing unspecified legal concerns. If the drafters of this amendment believed that the CIA's coercive interrogation techniques violated the torture statute, the proposed amendment would have amended that statute to permit these techniques under the restrictions specified. For example, Congress amended multiple statutes through the MCA to reverse the Supremes' interpretation of those statutes in Hamdan. Rather, this amendment was styled as a new restriction on an otherwise legal program.
Professor Lederman: Are you certain that you consider the rejection of the Whitehouse/Feinstein Amendment unfortunate? The amendment would have created an exception allowing torture where the President determines that the exigencies demand it. In their recent Washington Post Op-Ed “Its Our Cage Too” former Marine Commandant Charles C. Krulak and former CENTCOM Commander-in-Chief Joseph P. Hoar make a compelling case for why such exceptions cannot be allowed. To paraphrase their argument, such exceptions inevitably lead to widespread use of torture with disastrous consequences.
Just for "Bart"'s edification, seeing as he's such a champion of torture, here's some names:
Binyam Mohamed, Abou Britel, and Ahmed Agiza. Then there's Khaled el-Masri. And Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi. "Heck of a job there, Dubya." Of course, there's also the 'failures', the dead bodies. Cheers,
"If the drafters of this amendment believed that the CIA's coercive interrogation techniques violated the torture statute, the proposed amendment would have amended that statute to permit these techniques under the restrictions specified."
Post a Comment
One thing you must say for DePalma: He doesn't let mere sanity get in the way of his determination. What the amendment would have done, to be precise, was to bar "the use of appropriated funds for interrogation methods by the CIA or other U.S. agencies that are not explicitly authorized by the U.S. Army Field Manual on Human Intelligence Collector Operations". Such interrogations are not "explicitly authorized", of course, because they are considered as being -- by any practical definition -- torture. Now add the fact that DePalma wants to apply them to routine, "non-ticking-bomb" type military situations.
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