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Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts New and Improved Government Shutdowns
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Saturday, January 31, 2026
New and Improved Government Shutdowns
David Super
The news about the
Department of Homeland Security’s war on peaceful communities and the craven
politicization of the Department of Justice keeps getting worse. Congressional Democrats, however, are getting
much better at strategic pushback. This
post dissects what has happened, with particular attention to its lessons concerning
leadership, negotiation, and unity. After causing
considerable harm for no gain in the Fall government shutdown,
congressional Democrats’ leverage this month was substantially impaired. They could have done much more, much sooner
if they had not persuaded many reachable voters that were irresponsible with a
shutdown for which they had neither unity nor a compelling explanation
why those actions were needed to address the healthcare problem. The horrific
behavior of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), Customs and Border
Protection (CBP), the Bureau of Prisons (BOP), and others have changed that
situation. To their credit congressional
Democrats recognized the change and responded.
Initial grassroots
demands were overly simplistic, as is often the case: get Members of Congress to pledge not to vote
for another dime for ICE. This was both
over- and under-inclusive. Literally
voting down any appropriations bill with any money for ICE likely would have
triggered a broad government shutdown in which vulnerable people bore the brunt
of the pain and the public might well have turned against Democrats. And because the One Big Beautiful Bill Act
(OBBBA) diverted many billions from Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition
Assistance Program (SNAP) into a slush fund for ICE not dependent on further appropriations,
simply barring new money for ICE would not have curbed its abuses. The simple message, however, was highly
accessible to ordinary voters, and it proved an effective vehicle to secure commitments
from the vast majority of Democratic Members. Were the
Democratic leadership as cynical and cowardly as they often are portrayed, one could
imagine them simply staying with that message and allowing another bungled government
shutdown to unfold over a largely symbolic demand. Fortunately, the leadership applied their insider
understanding to shift the debate toward eliminating the slush fund and
enacting restrictions on the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS’s) most
sensationally abusive practices. And,
remarkably, most grassroots activists appear to have accepted this switch. Democratic leaders
also recognized that they could reduce the harm that a shutdown would cause,
and increase their chances of winning, if a shutdown could be limited to appropriations
for DHS. Refusing to approve any further
money for ICE would have triggered a shutdown involving six of the twelve
annual appropriations bills, including the important Labor-Health and Human
Services-Education bill. By offering to
fully fund five bills and provide a two-week continuing resolution for DHS,
Democrats put the Republicans in position where they would trigger a shutdown,
and absorb most of the public’s anger, if they refused. Thus, approving two more weeks of funding for
ICE and the rest of DHS did not meaningfully expand what ICE could do on the
streets but greatly improved the playing field for an eventual
confrontation. And, as an added
bonus, House Speaker Mike Johnson triggered a brief government shutdown over
the next few days with an unsuccessful effort to bully the Senate into accepting
the House-passed appropriations package.
By sending the House home despite the impending appropriations deadline –
and refusing to bring the House back or to try to pass the Senate’s modified
appropriations legislation by unanimous consent – the Speaker contributed to
the narrative that the Republican-controlled House is indifferent toward the
responsibilities of governing. One big question
is why the Administration did not try to negotiate a final DHS bill this week: the political climate is surely getting steadily
worse for them. Lacking a direct line to
Stephen Miller I cannot be sure, but my suspicion is that the Administration did
not want to be the one making any proposals.
Even proposals inadequate to close a deal could enrage the bloodier xenophobes
in their coalition. And then there are
the old warnings about negotiating against oneself. I suspect the Administration thought it would
have a better chance of avoiding a political whipsaw if it let congressional
Democrats try to extract concessions from Republicans on the Hill with the
possibility of a veto threat if something it particularly despised started
moving. This strategy
gives Democrats a real opening. Unlike
the Fall government shutdown, which Democrats entered without unity, Friday’s
vote on eliminating OBBBA’s ICE slush fund secured the vote of every Democratic
senator as well as two Republicans, Sens. Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) and Susan
Collins (R-ME). One can imagine that leaders
carefully massaged the amendment’s language to ensure that all Democrats would
be on-board and to make it easier to attract Republicans. Precedent prevents
other Republicans from hiding behind House and Senate rules that nominally
disfavor amending permanent legislation, such as OBBBA’s slush fund, on
appropriations bills. Republicans held a
series of annual appropriations bills hostage to claw back much of the money
the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 provided the Internal Revenue Service for heightened
enforcement against the affluent. Grassroots
activists quite rightly demand that ICE be disbanded and replaced. Its institutional culture is profoundly
toxic, beyond the capacity of even a willing administration (which this one
emphatically is not) to reform. Policymakers
should listen more to what sociology teaches us about organizational dynamics. This winter’s
battle, however, will not bring an end to ICE.
Too little of the public has been convinced of the need to do so yet,
and the same ugly feelings about immigrants that helped President Trump get
re-elected have not vanished. Moreover,
if we disbanded ICE now, the Trump Administration would build the replacement –
and would surely create something just as malevolent. So the question is
what can be done. Stripping away the slush
fund is the most important step: forcing
the agency to live within a budget, to face real limits on the force it can project
onto the streets of our country, and to refrain from hiring every white
supremacist incel that applies for a job.
Once the slush fund is gone, more conventional appropriations
restrictions become more viable. The final DHS
appropriations legislation also likely will include prohibitions on some of its
agents’ most egregious actions, particularly ones that are documented by street
videographers. Alas, it is less clear
whether it will address DHS’s more hidden abuses: the media’s neglect of ghastly abuses
in ICE detention remains frustrating. When human beings are made completely
vulnerable to hateful, violent thugs, horrible
outcomes
become inevitable. Given DHS’s
manifest contempt
for the U.S. Constitution, we cannot seriously expect them to care very much about
an appropriations act. Spending money in
violation of an appropriations act is a felony,
but Pam Bondi’s Justice Department obviously does not care and President Trump
would be happy to pardon any offenses. So
what is the point? Enacting measures purporting
to address a problem serves a valid strategic purpose even if those measures
clearly will not work. In negotiations,
the other side’s inadequate proposals can become a huge stumbling block. Whether sincerely or otherwise, counterparties
may adamantly insists that what they are proposing will work and refuse to
fairly assess evidence to the contrary.
Calling them out on the implausibility of their beliefs risks becoming
personal and causing a rupture. Patching
ruptures often requires substantive concessions. Far, far better is to be able to say that we
tried the other side’s ideas but those ideas did not work. Taking turns is a strong norm within
negotiations, and letting moderates try out their flimsy ideas first can put
heavy pressure on them to accept something bolder next time around. As long as the
Trump-Vance Administration is in power, the only likely path to curbing ICE/CBP/BOP
abuses is through private litigation.
That would require a statute reviving Bivens liability
for federal officers violating civil rights, something the Supreme Court has largely
gutted. It also likely would require abrogating the “qualified
immunity” that allows law enforcement officers to escape liability by
insisting that they did not realize they were violating the law. But public sentiment is far from ready to demand
these measures now; seeing ICE/CBP/BOP defy clear instructions to back off
could help bring more of the public around to more forceful measures. If congressional
Republicans or the Administration refuses to accept politically defensible
proposals from Democrats, a DHS-only shutdown will ensue in two weeks. The OBBBA slush fund unfortunately will keep
ICE and CBP on the streets. Any shutdown
likely will come to a head over other DHS agencies. Vulnerable immigrants will suffer when
Citizenship and Immigration Services stops processing applications for various kinds
of status changes. The Federal Emergency
Management Administration (FEMA) will shut down, too, but winter historically
is the slow season for natural disasters – and a large enough disaster could drive
a supplemental appropriations bill for that specific purpose. The most likely breaking point will be when air
travelers start missing their flights as Transportation Security Administration
checkpoints bog down. We can hope that
the combination of events that has created this opportunity – strong grassroots
mobilization around a simple message, largely cooperative translation of those
demands into something more strategic, and careful positioning of Democrats for
maximum leverage in negotiations and with the general public – will be replicated
on these and other issues going forward.
@DavidASuper.bsky.social
@DavidASuper1
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