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The New Establishment Clause Hallmarks Test: Sources and Distortions
Andrew Koppelman
In the recent case of Kennedy v. Bremerton, the Supreme Court abandoned
Lemon v. Kurtzman, the 50-year-old
principal Establishment Clause test.Instead,
it announced an “analysis focused on original meaning and history,” citing
Prof. Michael McConnell’s scholarship that identifies six “historical hallmarks
of an established religion.”Kennedy implied, and some lower
federal courts have inferred, that the list is exhaustive: unless a hallmark is
shown, there is no violation of the Establishment Clause.
If
that is the new test, government may support the religious beliefs that it
likes so long as it does not deploy means that resemble the hallmarks.After Kennedy, Louisiana, Arkansas,
and Texas enacted statutes requiring that the Ten Commandments be posted in
every public school classroom, and the Oklahoma superintendent of schools
ordered that the King James Bible be integrated into the curriculum.All cited Kennedy.The validity of most of these measures has
not yet been adjudicated, but the new standard could uphold them.
This
test distorts the history it cites.McConnell’s
research actually concludes that the clause bans “the promotion and inculcation
of a common set of beliefs through governmental authority.”The list of hallmarks distracts attention
from the broader principle.
The
strategy that the new hallmarks test licenses is simple: point to the most
obvious violations of the constitutional provision, and then declare that the
challenged law is not among those violations and so is permissible. This is
precisely the move the Court made in Plessy v. Ferguson, which relied on
a cramped understanding of slavery and racial inequality in order to hold that
racial segregation did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment. In
both cases, the Court arbitrarily narrows its description of the paradigmatic
wrong that a constitutional provision aims to end, and so hobbles the
Constitution in the guise of interpreting it.
This is the first article that compares Kennedy
with the scholarship on which it claims to rely.It has implications, not only for the
Establishment Clause, but for originalist theorizing more generally: simple
textualism easily goes awry when applied to a text that does not state a rule,
but rather names a historical evil that must not be repeated.By redefining the Establishment Clause in
terms of historical episodes rather than underlying principles, Kennedy
risks hollowing out constitutional protections while maintaining the appearance
of fidelity to the text.
Michael Judah and I so argue in a new working paper just posted on SSRN, here.