E-mail:
Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com
Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu
Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu
Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu
Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu
Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com
Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu
Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu
Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu
Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu
Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu
Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu
Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu
Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu
Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu
David Luban david.luban at gmail.com
Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu
Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu
Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu
John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu
Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com
Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com
Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com
Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu
Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu
David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu
Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu
K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu
Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu
Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu
David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu
Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu
Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu
Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu
Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu
Crosskey was a constitutional law professor at the
University of Chicago, a few hours drive from the University of Michigan, who published
his magnum opus in 1954. It was a two-volume book called Politics and the
Constitution in the History of the United States, whose central claim was
that the courts and the legal profession had wrongly come to believe that the
federal government was one of limited enumerated powers. According to Crosskey
“the actual, historic meaning of the document – that is, the truly intended character
of the Government of the United States” had become lost. It was “a matter
unknown, alike, to our accepted constitutional law, and our conventional
American histories.”
Crosskey wrote:
The present misconceptions are products, in the main, of the many
attempts that have been made throughout our history to distort the Constitution
to serve some political end. When successful, such attempts commonly come, in
the course of time, to be thought of as triumphs of orthodoxy; the antecedent,
true orthodoxies become discredited; and very often, forgotten. This has
happened since the Constitution was drawn, again and again.
The ingredients of the enumerated powers myth, in Crosskey’s
telling, were many – linguistic drift from Founding-era word meanings, a loss
of Founding-era political conceptions, deceptions perpetrated by James Madison,
excessive reliance on The Federalist, Chief Justice Marshall’s inadequately and
overly defensive response to the aggression of Jeffersonian ideology, and more.
While Crosskey’s book originally made a big splash, his
ultimate legacy has been checkered. Reviewers came to doubt his conclusions, to
lambast his historical mistakes, to resist his originalist methodology, and to
shrink from his overbearing and overconfident tone. At the time of this post, his
life’s work is out of print from the University of Chicago Press.
Richard Primus’s new book, The Oldest Constitutional
Question Enumeration and Federal Power, is in some ways the book that
Crosskey should have written. Primus’s conclusion – a radical rethinking of our
assumptions about the limits on the national government’s powers – is
Crosskeyite at its core. But Primus’s methodology is different. It is textually
and historically inflected, but it is methodologically pluralist, not
dogmatically originalist as Crosskey was.
And equally importantly, Primus’s tone and intellectual
style is different. Primus cautiously and modestly proposes his radical
rethinking as a possibility thesis – as an attempt to show that our
present assumptions that the government is one of enumerated powers is not
inevitable or necessarily correct – not as a complete refutation. Crosskey, by
contrast, thought that he was speaking the capital-T Truth – “a scientifically
tested and proved theory of our constitutional history” – from which all
dissent was ultimately malicious or mistaken.
Will Primus’s book succeed where Crosskey’s failed? Here, I
am not as certain. For one problem that Crosskey faced, that Primus also faces,
is that the enumerated powers thesis is deeply rooted in our official account
of constitutional law. Primus raises many good questions about whether this
official account has really described our actual practice. But in my view the
fact that it is our official account is a very important
legal fact.
Additionally, I think the enumerated powers thesis is deeply
rooted for very good reasons. The first reason is originalist – it is probably the
better reading of the original materials. It may be that the Constitution
itself is ambiguous about whether the federal government was supposed to be one
of limited, enumerated powers. It may also be that this position was disputed
among constitutional interpreters at the Founding. But the enumerated powers
thesis seems to me to be the more natural view; the more widespread view; and
perhaps even the view that was necessary to ensure the Constitution’s
ratification.
In my view, originalism
itself is the official story of our law. So we should not disregard an
official account of our constitutional law that is also correct on originalist
grounds. But Primus, as I mentioned, is not an originalist so he does not rest
on a claim that his interpretation is the best originalist interpretation. He
thinks it is best on other grounds. But I am not convinced of this either.
Enumerationism has been one of our important strategies for
maintaining federalism – a system of divided power between state and national
governments. Primus argues that other doctrines (such as the anti-commandeering
doctrine and interpretive canons) and political safeguards (outside of judicial
doctrine) have done more to protect federalism and would continue to do so. But
as I see it these doctrines took hold in part because of the conventional
wisdom about Congress’s powers, and even the political safeguards probably rely
in part on conventional constitutional assumptions. If we do abandon our
official account of a government of limited, enumerated powers, there is little
reason to believe these other doctrines and practices will remain stable.
Of course, some may disagree about any of these points. But
this is where Primus’s book may ultimately be a victim of its own virtues.
Because Primus’s claims are cumulative, careful, and pluralist, they give the
reader permission to question the conventional wisdom of our enumerated
powers, but they do not require the reader to abandon it. That is why
the book’s author is such an excellent and justly respected scholar. But it is
also why the book itself is likely to convince only those readers who were
already hoping to be convinced.
William Baude is the Harry Kalven, Jr. Professor of Law at
the University of Chicago Law School, and can be reached at baude@uchicago.edu.