E-mail:
Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com
Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu
Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu
Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu
Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu
Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com
Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu
Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu
Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu
Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu
Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu
Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu
Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu
Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu
Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu
David Luban david.luban at gmail.com
Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu
Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu
Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu
John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu
Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com
Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com
Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com
Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu
Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu
David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu
Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu
K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu
Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu
Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu
David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu
Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu
Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu
Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu
Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu
The Supreme Court's erroneous decision in Trump v. Anderson is more obvious after Donald Trump's first criminal conviction.
Section Three of the Fourteenth Amendment established that the appropriate sanction for engaging in insurrection against the Constitution was civil disqualification from office, not criminal punishment. Trump v. Anderson reached the opposite conclusion. The Court there held that states can sanction insurrectionists holding or seeking federal office only through criminal law. And that is what New York and Georgia are now attempting to do.
I don't think that these cases would have been brought if Trump was not a candidate for President. Even if I'm wrong about that, the damage done by these prosecutions is much greater because he is a candidate. If Trump loses in November, many people will conclude (not unreasonably) that the conviction did him in. This will encourage future state prosecutions of candidates for federal office either as a Section 3 proxy or out of partisan revenge. That's more dangerous than the fear expressed by some of the Justices that there would be a retaliatory cycle of state ballot exclusion.
One final thought--the Supreme Court's refusal to say whether Trump is constitutionally eligible to be President, combined with Trump's state conviction, increases the probability of instability following the election if Trump wins. There is a May 1914 quality to the unwillingness of people thus far to think hard about that problem.