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Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts Public Memory and Public Monuments: The Limits of National Narratives?
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Monday, May 23, 2022
Public Memory and Public Monuments: The Limits of National Narratives?
Guest Blogger
This post was prepared for
a roundtable on Public Memory and
Public Monuments, convened as part of LevinsonFest 2022—a
year-long series gathering scholars from diverse disciplines and viewpoints to
reflect on Sandy Levinson’s influential work in constitutional law. Anna
Saunders As
a scholar of German memory culture, I have spent considerable time examining
the memorial processes, aesthetics, and histories of local and national
memorials in contemporary Germany. Much of my work has been about examining
national trends, such as the influence of Holocaust remembrance on memorial
culture, or the impact of a divided history on the memorial landscape of eastern
Germany. The course of twentieth-century German history, coupled with a
widespread desire after unification to work through this past, has created a
rich context for the study of monuments; one could even claim that Berlin
suffers today from an affliction called ‘monumentitis’. I
would like to turn my thoughts here, however, to the limitations of the
national frame. In many ways, it makes sense for studies of public memory and
public monuments to focus on the national context – after all, this continues
to be the central framework in which public memorialisation and symbolism is developed
and understood. But such processes are taking place within an increasingly global
context, and I have been intrigued by the way in which traditional monuments
are being used as stages on which international concerns can be played out,
perhaps suggesting a new mode of memorial intervention or activism. From the
German perspective, this appears to be motivated, on the one hand, by an unease
with national political developments and public memory narratives and, on the other
hand, a desire to foreground international responsibilities and human rights. In
order to illustrate these observations, I will briefly outline two examples.
The first was organised by the controversial performance art group named the Centre
for Political Beauty (Zentrum für politische Schönheit, ZPS), which has been
responsible for a number of high-profile acts targeting remembrance culture in
recent years. In this case, the ZPS removed official memorial crosses to
victims of the Berlin Wall, mounted along the river Spree, just a few days
before the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 2014.
The crosses (in fact, replicas) were then transported to the outer borders of
the EU to protest at the thousands of migrants who had lost their lives
attempting to cross the border. The crosses were photographed at various points
on the border, as well as with a number of refugees living in woodland in
Morocco, next to the ‘death strip’ of Melilla. According to the ZPS, ‘In an act
of solidarity, the victims of the Berlin Wall fled to their brothers and
sisters beyond the external borders of the European Union, more precisely: to
the future victims of the wall’.[1] This
action ensured high-profile press coverage, especially given the timing of the
event, and brought the German past into uncomfortable proximity with the plight
of contemporary refugees. Through crowd funding, the organisation coordinated
two bus-loads of so-called ‘peaceful revolutionaries’ to Bulgaria’s outer
borders, armed with bolt cutters and electric angle grinders, to bring about
the ‘first fall of the European Wall’, with demonstrators shouting ‘The wall
must come down’ (‘Die Mauer muss weg!’ – the famous slogan from 1989). Their
aim was to draw attention to the hypocrisy of official ceremonies celebrating
the fall of the Wall in Berlin, which they claim featured ‘nostalgic and
sedating speeches in an Oktoberfest-like ceremony’,[2] while a humanitarian
crisis continued at Europe’s outer borders. Although the white crosses were
finally returned on the evening of the 25th anniversary, their
absence caused uproar in political circles and forced dialogue between the
politics of past and present – above all drawing attention to the danger of
official memorials and ceremonies potentially becoming little more than ritual
lip service to the past. While
this example was led by a group known for radical action – and I won’t reflect
here on the legality of their acts – other artists and activists have aimed to
achieve similar ends through different means. In Dresden, for instance,
German-Syrian artist Manaf Halbouni installed his provocative ‘Monument’ in
Dresden in 2017. This consisted of three disused busses, erected vertically, in
front of the Frauenkirche (Church of our Lady), recreating one of the most
striking images of the Syrian civil war: three busses standing on end in an
Aleppo street to act as a barricade against sniper fire. Intended by Halbouni
as a ‘peace monument’ (Friedensmahnmal), it linked the plight of civilians in
the Syrian civil war with the fate of Dresden in 1945, not only because of its
location in front of the carefully reconstructed Frauenkirche, itself a victim
of bombing raids, but also because of the date of its installation, which
coincided with the anniversary of the start of the Allied air raids on 13
February 1945. This date has, in recent years, become a vehemently contested
day of remembrance in Dresden’s history, and the location is notable not only
as a site of reconstruction after unification, but also as a prime location for
anti-Islamic and anti-immigration demonstrations in the wake of the migrant
crisis. As with the Berlin example, two disparate histories were placed
side-by-side, with the aim of drawing explicit comparison between the two and
triggering heated discussion about contemporary public memory. These
two cases are interesting within the context of public monuments for several
reasons. First, they highlight the continuing importance of materiality. While
it is the social interaction with a monument that imbues it with meaning –
rather than any inherent meaning residing in the stone, brick or bronze – these
examples remind us of the power of materiality and serve as a reminder that the
monument offers something that is denied by the ubiquity of today’s virtual
world and fleeting screen images: the material quality and solidity of the
object. While these examples may be ephemeral, they deal in very concrete terms
with the tangible physicality of memorials. Part of the outcry concerning the
ZPS’s action, for example, was the theft and dishonourable treatment of sacred
memorial crosses that carried their own remembrance history; for many in
Dresden, the imposition of what they saw to be ‘scrap metal’ was abhorrent
after spending so many years returning the church and square to its former
Baroque glory. In both cases, the fixation with a material symbol that was
uprooted from its original position and placed uncomfortably in a different
location served to unveil the human cost of present-day politics and underlined
the problematic negotiation of narratives of remembrance. The
second aspect relates to emotionality, and a desire to provoke public feeling
through emotionally-charged images and events. In both cases, this was
heightened by the deliberate decision to coincide with an anniversary date,
when public sentiment was at a constructed high point. Within the context of
German remembrance, a strong emotional focus contrasts with the
counter-memorial aesthetic of the late twentieth-century,[3] where projects often
attempted to engage the intellect and promote individual reflection, rather
than trigger a public outflow of emotion. While there clearly is still a place
for individual reflection, it seems that the intended internalisation of
historical responsibility (particularly relating to the Holocaust) encouraged
by such structures appears to fall short in the face of right-wing populism and
increasing distance from historical events. The recourse to greater
emotionality could, then, be interpreted as a response to the limitations of
state rituals and the accepted norms of memorial form. Third,
these examples aim to mobilise public feeling in a ‘multidirectional’ way,[4] using some memories not
only as platforms for others, but also to provoke discursive public spaces
around national narratives and memorial tropes. In doing so, they promote
international political and humanitarian concerns and aim to highlight our
responsibilities not only as national citizens, but also as global citizens. While
neither example discussed here can be seen as anti-national (or anti-nation),
both invest in a greater understanding of the national within the international,
and critically the relationship between the two. We may also be witnessing here
a reflection on the limitations of established national memorials in an
increasingly global context. While traditional, national, heroic monuments are
often constructed to create a sense of belonging, and counter-memorials
encourage us to question – or re-think – this belonging, neither commonly
encourage us to turn our sights beyond the nation. Instead, the two examples
discussed here create a deliberate sense of unease or discomfort with the
national context by exposing our frequent inability to think beyond it. Whether
we will see increased memorial activism in times to come remains to be seen.
For now, however, such cases provide us with new ways of thinking about public
memory and public monuments, bringing the relationship between the national
past and the international present into sharp focus. Anna Saunders is Professor of Modern Languages and
Cultures and Head of the Department of Languages, Cultures, and Film at the
University of Liverpool. You can contact her at anna.saunders@liverpool.ac.uk. [1] ‘Erster Europäischer
Mauerfall’, ZPS website: https://politicalbeauty.com/wall.html (accessed 6 April 2022). [2] ‘Erster Europäischer
Mauerfall’, ZPS website: https://politicalbeauty.de/erster-europaeischer-mauerfall.html (accessed 6 April 2022). [3] Thematised above all by
James Young, in (amongst others) ‘The Counter-Monument: Memory against Itself
in Germany Today’, Critical Inquiry, 18 (1992) 2, 267-296. [4] Michael Rothberg, Multidirectional
Memory: Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization (Stanford
University Press, 2009).
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