E-mail:
Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com
Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu
Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu
Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu
Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu
Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com
Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu
Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu
Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu
Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu
Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu
Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu
Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu
Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu
Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu
David Luban david.luban at gmail.com
Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu
Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu
Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu
John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu
Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com
Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com
Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com
Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu
Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu
David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu
Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu
K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu
Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu
Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu
David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu
Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu
Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu
Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu
Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu
During the presidential election, major news
organizations, including USA Today, The New York Times, The Associated Press, and The
Washington Post, have verified with fact-checking organizations what
politicians said in their speeches and presidential debates. However, unlike
fact-checking organizations, which are not strongly connected with a specific
group of audiences, several news organizations have been preferred and trusted
by different audiences. For example, CNN and Fox News, two major political news
sources, are differentially trusted by these audiences. According to Pew, more than 60% of Democrats trustCNN, while more than 60% of Republicans
trust Fox News. Only 20% of Republicans got their political and election news
from CNN; 60% of Republicans got their political and election news from Fox
News in 2019.
Considering the public’s different preference
levels toward individual media organizations based on their political
predisposition, how does the public differentially perceive and share news
articles that correct misinformation about politicians? If the public perceives
a relationship between a news organization and a politician as favorable, are
their evaluations regarding the credibility of the news reports that fact-check
or correct misinformation about one of the politicians different, depending on the
news organization?
Warranting theory can provide an interesting
explanation in regard to the above questions. Developed by Joseph B. Walther
and Malcolm Parks in 2002, warranting theory posits that information perceived as not being
manipulated or controllable by the person to whom it refers is considered more
valuable, legitimate, or credible than information that can be modified or have
its dissemination controlled by the person described in the information. In
addition, some scholars have explained that perceptions of the
relationship between the information source and the target to which the
information refers can affect evaluations of the information’s credibility. In
other words, when the source is
perceived as having a favorable relationship with the target to which the information refers, the perceived credibility
of the information would be low: the public could assume that the source is
motivated to modify the informational content or selectively distribute the
information about the target due to its favorable relationship with the target.
Thus, this source-target relationship can affect the perceived manipulation
likelihood of the information about the target from the source, which can
eventually affect perceptions regarding the information’s credibility.
We examined this theory in the context of the
relationship between news organizations and politicians. We investigated how
the public evaluates the credibility of fact-checking news articles published
by a news organization that is perceived as having a favorable relationship
with a political candidate to which the news articles refer. In order to answer
this question, we conducted an online experiment. We sought to examine the
effect of the perceived favorable source (news organization)-target
(politician) relationship on the public’s evaluation with respect to the
credibility of news articles that corrected negative misinformation about
politicians.
Specifically, at the beginning of the online
experiment, we began by encouraging participants to consider specific
source-target relationships. In particular, we showed participants a short
passage conveying favorable relationships between President Trump and Fox News
and between President-elect Biden and CNN. Afterward, participants were
randomly assigned to one of two groups: for one group, participants viewed
articles published by sources (i.e., news organizations) that corrected
negative information about the target (i.e., politician) they tended to favor.
In this condition, the participants’ perception regarding the favorable
relationship between the source and the target could be amplified; as a result,
the perceived manipulation likelihood would increase. In contrast, in the
second group, participants viewed articles published by sources that corrected
negative misinformation about the political figure they tended to oppose. Thus,
participants in the second group might assume a low likelihood of manipulation
by the news sources. The articles’ content was adapted from actual articles
published by fact-checking organizations. We examined how the participants’
evaluation of the news articles and political figures might be influenced by
their perception of the news organizations’ manipulation likelihood.
Participants’ disposition to trust others, knowledge about the misinformation
described in the news articles, and political predisposition were controlled
for in the analyses.
For the preliminary finding, we could not find
evidence regarding a significant effect of perceived manipulation likelihood of
the news organizations (i.e., source) on the news articles’ perceived
credibility. Interestingly, the perceived manipulation likelihood of the news
organizations influenced participants’ evaluation of the target politicians in
this study. Although the effect only existed for Trump, the fact that
participants’ evaluation of Biden was not influenced by the news organizations’
perceived manipulation likelihood suggests that certain characteristics of the
targets might moderate this effect. In addition, given that we used news
articles that corrected negative misinformation about political candidates in
the election, the result implies that the perceived favorable relationship
between the news organizations and politicians might negatively affect the
public’s evaluation of politicians, regardless of the content.
This approach can be applied to other source-target
relationships in online and social media environments. What about the
relationship between the platform as a source of information and politicians or
other targets to whom social media posts on the platform refer? What happens if
the public perceives a politician as having the ability to control the
distribution of the social media posts? What happens if the public perceives a
politician and a fact-checking organization as being closely connected? These
questions need to be addressed in future misinformation research.
One recent survey shows that the public’s support for social
media companies’ fact-checking of politicians in general and President
Trumpspecifically can differ, depending
on their political predisposition. Although it was not our main finding, when
we analyzed the data separately among liberals and conservatives, we observed a
differential tendency between both groups in terms of evaluating the news
articles’ credibility with regard to correcting misinformation about political
figures. In a future experiment, we will examine the dynamics among the
public’s political predispositions, perceptions regarding the relationships
between news organizations and politicians, and politicians to which the
fact-checking news articles refer.
Jisu Kim is a resident fellow at the Information Society Project and an affiliated scholar at the Justice Collaboratory at Yale Law School. Soojong Kim is a postdoctoral fellow at Stanford Center on Philanthropy and Civil Society, jointly affiliated with the program on Democracy and the Internet and the Digital Civil Society Lab.