E-mail:
Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com
Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu
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Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu
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A recent note
in the Harvard Law Review inadvertently misrepresented my political views.The Harvard editors have graciously corrected
the error in the online version, and appended a statement noting the
correction.However, it remains in the
print version, for some time the erroneous version was available for download
on the web, and of course there’s no telling how widely it has or will
spread.Hence this clarification.
The Harvard piece, a student note, concerns anti-BDS
laws.Those laws, on the books in 28
states, provide that the state will not contract with anyone who refuses to
do business with those who invest in Israel.The Note argues that anti-BDS laws cannot be defended as
antidiscrimination laws, because the BDS movement does not involve invidious
discrimination or antisemitism.It
cites, though it barely responds to, an Eighth Circuit amicus
brief I coauthored with Michael Dorf and Eugene Volokh, arguing that
commercial refusals to deal are not constitutionally protected speech.The citation follows this, in the originally
posted, now deleted version:“supporters
of anti-BDS laws argue that BDS is not protected because it is merely the
nonexpressive conduct of withholding business and requires additional
explanation in order to be expressive.”
It should hardly be necessary to say (but Dorf says here)
that when a lawyer rejects an unsound constitutional attack on a statute, it
does not follow that the lawyer supports the statute as a policy matter or
would have voted for it were he a legislator.Yet that’s the assumption driving this sentence.(The corrected version changes “supporters of
anti-BDS laws” to “supporters of anti-BDS laws’ constitutionality.”)
So I’m now obligated to clarify that I don’t support these
laws.I begin by repeating what I wrote a
year ago:“Israel’s West Bank
settlements are illegal and, as a policy matter, insane (though many BDS
proponents are curiously oblivious to the genocidal ambitions of much of the
Palestinian leadership).”I think the
BDS movement is counterproductive and often tainted by antisemitism.The anti-BDS laws, however, don’t help; they
are a way of beating up on people whose political views the legislatures don’t
like.Small businesses and nonprofits
embrace BDS, with no effect at all on anyone in Israel or the West Bank, and
they are then barred from government contracts, with no effect at all on anyone
in Israel or the West Bank.People on
both sides of the controversy are curiously fascinated with symbolic gestures that
have nothing to do with the actual, urgent problem of enabling Palestinians and
Jews to live together in peace.
The only
reason I joined the intervention into this dialogue of the deaf is that the
free speech argument against anti-BDS laws has enormously destructive
implications.As I wrote a year ago, it
“threatens to gut all of antidiscrimination law, and is potentially anarchic in its implications, since
disobeying the law often sends a message.Conduct often has semantic significance.But conduct that sometimes has semantic significance isn’t speech.”I’ve been engaging for some time with the attempted deployment of free speech against
antidiscrimination laws in the context of wedding vendors who refuse to
facilitate same-sex marriages.This
particular bad argument is thus tediously familiar, and is no better in this
context.