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When I
tell people I teach family law, I brace myself for the negative reaction. Everyone knows someone who has been treated
unfairly in a divorce, has been ordered to pay more child support than he could
afford, or has a child in foster care due to poor housing or inadequate child
care arrangements. Individuals who have
had contact with the family courts often say that “the system made things
worse.” In Failure to Flourish, Clare Huntington demonstrates how the law’s
adversarial approach has failed to help families resolve disputes without
aggravating conflict and recommends numerous legal reforms to help individuals
repair family relationships that the law deems broken. These proposed reforms are comprehensive,
ambitious, and far-reaching. They range
from changing the rules that govern how parental responsibility for children
and parenting time is allocated after parental separation to adopting
alternatives to litigation such as collaborative divorce and family group conferencing. Importantly, Huntington demonstrates how
lawyers often exacerbate family conflicts and challenges law schools to teach
future lawyers to help their clients focus on the need to repair family
relationships.
While
tackling the law’s tendencies to exacerbate family conflicts would be a
daunting undertaking for most scholars, Huntington does not stop there.
She debunks the myth that families are autonomous
and shows how all families, regardless of income, rely on the state for support.
She also shows how policies that we generally do not associate with family law --
such as zoning, urban planning, education, tax, and employment laws -- all
influence families’ opportunities and choices.
While some conservatives may fear that we are creating a welfare state,
Huntington argues that because the state relies on families to raise the next
generation, a task that the state cannot itself undertake, the state must help
families foster strong and stable relationships from the start instead of
waiting until families are in crisis to intervene. These reforms include recognizing and
supporting a broad range of family forms such as same-sex and nonmarital
families. While acknowledging the studies showing that children raised by single or cohabitating
parents have worse outcomes than children raised by married biological parents,
Huntington demonstrates that marriage alone is unlikely to improve outcomes for
children. She argues that the state should
encourage long-term commitment between parents and provide economic and other supports
to parents as they raise children. In
addition, the state should alter the physical environment of cities and neighborhoods,
including zoning laws, to facilitate family interaction, extended family
support networks, and social connections.
Huntington
acknowledges that these reforms will be costly but cautions that if the state
does not invest in families now, society will surely bear the cost—a much
higher cost—later. These reforms are sound
and many have been implemented in other countries or U.S. cities on a limited
scale with much success. However, while
many of these reforms seek to help low-income children in particular, I worry
that we will not be able to help the children most at risk until the state
supports low-income fathers, including those who have been involved with the
criminal justice system and may not be particularly sympathetic figures. For example, as Huntington points out, the strongest
predictor of whether a father will invest in his children is whether he lives
with them. However, the majority of
children born to unmarried parents, and who are disproportionately
African-American and Latino, do not live with their fathers.
Maybe
the state can encourage unmarried parents to commit to the joint work of
raising a child together even if they are no longer romantic partners, but this
is unlikely for several reasons. First, society
and the state expect fathers to, above all, provide for their children
financially. Fathers are encouraged to
nurture their children too, but they are expected to meet their financial needs
first and foremost. Consequently,
mothers are likely to reject low-income fathers’ efforts to play a significant
parenting role if they are not able to fulfill their role as economic
providers. In turn, fathers who have
internalized the social norm that fathers will provide for their children are
likely to avoid their children because they are ashamed of their inability to
support them. Second, while states
increasingly encourage divorced parents to maximize the amount of time the
child spends with each parent, low-income unmarried fathers have not been
encouraged to do the same, in part because they are perceived as irresponsible
and we may not be convinced that children would benefit from close
relationships with them, especially if they have been involved in the criminal
justice system. Third, shared parenting
is expensive, as parents must maintain two households that can accommodate
children for extended periods of time.
Low-income parents simply cannot afford to maintain dual households,
which means that unmarried fathers are unlikely to have opportunities to join
mothers in the day-to-day task of parenting.
Professor
Huntington has provided us with a road map that, if adopted, will go far in
helping to foster strong and positive family relationships. But in order for families to fully flourish, the
state may have to commit not only to children and mothers, but to fathers as
well even when they do not live with their children.
Professor
Maldonado teaches at Seton Hall Law and may be reached at
Solangel.Maldonadoatshu.edu