Balkinization   |
Balkinization
Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts Mother of Mercy, Is This the End of FISA?!*
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Sunday, February 26, 2006
Mother of Mercy, Is This the End of FISA?!*
Marty Lederman
*Hat tip: Edward G. Robinson.
Comments:
If you're right, that's quite disappointing. On the other hand, I've had an extremely bleak view of Specter's independence and sincerity ever since this.
The new provisions authorizing FISC approval of entire "programs" of anti-terrorist surveillance are rather broad. If your primary concern is civil liberties, and you believe this tilt alters the balance too far away from civil liberties in favor of security, then I can see how you would not like this draft.
There does seem to be a lot of political support for such a tilt, however. One way or another, we likely will see enactment of some New and Improved Terrorist Surveillance Program beyond the confines of FISA as it exists today. Personally, I am most worried about issues of executive power and the rule of law. In that respect, I think the bill does draw a line against further adventurism by the President -- including "programs" not yet revealed. It does this in two ways: 1) It requires each such program to be disclosed to the FISC court and to Congress. 2) It requires the court to pass on the constitutionality of any such program. (I do wish there were more explicit language describing remedies and appellate review in the event that the court disapproves.)
Three quick observations:
1) The proposed law does not seem to make any distinction between international and purely domestic communications. In other words, it would seem to allow a much broader warrantless surveillance program than the one we've been talking about for the last two months. 2) While the statute requires the Attorney General to explain in his application to the FISC why it is necessary to circumvent the normal FISA warrant procedure, it provides no standards for the court to use in judging whether the reason provided is a good one. What if the AG simply says that FISA's "probable cause" standard is too exacting? Is that a good enough reason? 3) I didn't see anything in the bill that would prevent information procured through these warrantless surveillance programs from being used in a subsequent application for a FISA warrant. As I understand it, the FISC has imposed that limitation on its own. If this legislation were passed, even that minimal protection would be called into question.
"In one fell swoop, the Specter legislation would undo the detailed regulatory scheme that both political branches have so carefully calibrated over more than a quarter-century." Yes, that's how the democratic process works. If Congress passes and the President signs the proposed legislation, then the political branches will have made the determination that a change to the "carefully calibrated" law enacted 25 years ago is necessary. It's one thing to argue that the substance of this proposed legislation is wrong, but to suggest that there is some kind of procedural irregularity here is a tad overwrought.
I am open to the idea that some form of automated monitoring, i.e. sophisticated version of keyword searching of communications, may be necessery. Though it is important that these keywords be narrowly tailored, i.e., you can't just search for any words found to be statistically associated with illicit activity but you could search for names, locations and other phrases known to be associated with Al Qaeda or other terrorist organizations/drug cartels.
However, the essential problem of passing any bill like this at the present is that it does nothing to prevent the president from simply disregarding this law in the future. Any such bill needs to be tied to at *least* a public presidential disavowal of the power to override such a bill (though impeachment proceedings and a resolution of censure are really what should be done this doesn't seem politically feasable)..
If I understand this correctly this bill will authorize a data mining of communications program since the definition of the "substance of communication" excludes identifying information (of the sender, or origin or recipient) and Spector contemplates that it is not feasible (701(5)(B) to name every person and location-- so much for describing with particularity of the place to be searched and items to be siezed.
Section 704 requires the FISA court has to issue an order authorizing the 45 day program as long as the court believes there is probable cause that the program will intercept a communication of the foreign power or foreign agent specified and the court believes the program is consistent with the court's duty to uphold the constitution. The order is "limited" to 45 days but is renewable. Another item of worry is the proposed law basically includes a backdoor finding that there is no expectation of privacy in telephone conversations if the conversation can be intercepted (701 (4)). How can the FISA court deem an operation which cannot describe the communication to be searched and siezed with particularity to be consistent with the court's duty to uphold the constitution? Thanks Arlen, try not to do us any more favors.
Yes, that's how the democratic process works. If Congress passes and the President signs the proposed legislation, then the political branches will have made the determination that a change to the "carefully calibrated" law enacted 25 years ago is necessary.
I think the point was that Specter's bill says and does nothing about the previous and continuing violations of existing law. It's one thing to change the law in the future, it's another altogether to reward the Administration for its felonies. And as logicnazi points out, why will Bush obey this law if he felt free to ignore the existing one?
I wonder if there is a nontrivial separation of powers problem here. Congress is basically passing the buck because it doesn't want to take a stand on the administration's program one way or another, presumably for political reasons. So instead, it creates a court and delegates the authority to review the program.
Is Congress engaging in improper delegation, or is it clear that the functions being delegated are purely judicial in the first instance?
I'm a PA resident. Here's what I emailed him:
http://specter.senate.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=ContactInfo.Home I am a constituent. I am writing out of concern that Senator Specter's proposed amendment to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act ("FISA") (1) will not address questions about the constitutionality of the current NSA program and (2) will weaken judicial protection of our constitutional rights. My attention was brought to this matter by a post by Marty Lederman to the weblog of Jack Balkin, a professor at Yale Law, that I recommend the Senator reads, available here: http://balkin.blogspot.com/2006/02/mother-of-mercy-is-this-en_114098414956416326.html Senator Specter is in his seat not due to support from conservatives, who attempted to removed him, but because of support from moderates and acceptance by liberals, both of whom defended him in the primary and did not mount a strong challenge in the election. As should come as no surprise, Senator Specter is perceived in Pennsylvania as a "centrist" Senator, and it is through this perception that he has retained office. Polls show unambiguously that the American public believes their civil liberties should be protected at least as strongly as is required under the current FISA. In fact, a majority of Americans would go beyond the FISA and not even allow retroactive issuing of warrants, as the FISA allows. I doubt Senator Specter's constituents in Pennsylvania hold radically different beliefs. As Robert Reinstein, the Dean of Temple Law (in Philadelphia, from which the Senator hails), said, the NSA program is "a pretty straightforward case" of the President acting illegally. If Senator Specter (1) allows the current and previous illegal and unconstitutional spying to go unchecked and unreviewed or (2) permits the current legislative safeguards to be weakened, then he will not only do a disservice to the nation's Constitution, but he will betray the individual men and women of Pennsylvania who trusted him to represent their views, not the views of a handful of lawyers and political operatives in the White House. If the Senator has settled upon a position, I ask that he make this position clear to constituents like me so that we may participate in the process and let our thoughts be known. As the bill has not yet been passed, I urge him in the process to hold our liberties and our Constitution in the highest regard.
And Specter replies. Here's the substantive part:
Law enforcement officials must be provided with as much information and as many tools as possible to ensure the protection of our country, but those resources cannot come at the expense of citizens' civil liberties. I believe that it was wise for the President to be candid with the American people concerning his surveillance program. It is important at this point that the matter does not become politicized, because this is a time for analysis and oversight, not attacks. The U.S. Constitution limits the President's ability to conduct surveillance or searches of United States persons while residing within the United States . In 1978, Congress enacted the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act ("FISA") which permits federal agents to conduct electronic surveillance on United States persons in order to acquire foreign intelligence without obtaining a traditional Title III search warrant. FISA does, however, require a FISA court order approving the surveillance. In so doing, the Congress sought to strike a delicate balance between national security interests and personal privacy rights within the United States . I have scheduled Congressional oversight hearings in order to make sure that we are able to maintain this delicate balance.
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Specter is providing congress titular oversight with more coming into its purview under his draft legislation, ostensibly, though I have not found that the draft is available yet outside executive consulting circles; it certainly is absent from his website, nor is there any mention of it there; however, Specter has posted to his website news of the roster of officials and others who are to appear before the Senate Judiciary Committee on the topic war powers and NSA tomorrow, among them are Ex DI Woolsey, Doug Kmiec, Dean Koh, and a few others.
I think ML is right that one segment of Specter's proposed reconstituted FISA law, as described, is a retroactive hold harmless for the program(s) already underway; both congress chambers held closed door briefings on these in their intelligence and government ops oversight committees in the past two weeks. Specter also seems to be tossing it to Congress to add protections such as identifying how Congress will oversee officials who design and utilize templates overlain on the data during datamining; I can imaging the AG demurring that this would be to micromanage, cumbersomely. And, as JkB observed in the linked article here in December, there will need to be protections of archived data, though it is unspecified whether Specter has included such provisions in his draft. The ex parte briefings present in the Specter draft continue to be a worrisome construct; I had the impression that the DeWine measure might add conceptually to that component; and I would expect DeWine to have coordinated in the caucus with Specter to plan which elements each senator would emphasize; and, as JkB's worrisome post on this site a week ago observed, perhaps going so far as to include a conference committee strategy whereby the safeguards would be stripped before voting the final measure out of committee. Basically the plan seems to be Specter's plenary forgiveness and loosening of control, the essence being the administration must believe whatever Specter proposes is going to pass fairly intact.
How odd. One might imagine that Marty believes that the almost academic question of whose reading of the law is right is the paramount question facing the nation.
What is interesting is that Specter's draft suggests that some early reports were right to suggest the unusual nature of the NSA program, and the difficulty in bringing the program under FISA. If Specter thought it possible to provide for the particularized determinations required under FISA (as opposed to the wholesale program-wide determinations made under his proposal), presumably he would have drafted accordingly. Two things to note: Marty has all along suggested that the disagreement on this issue was on the legal merits, and not on the underlying policy. That's clearly not indicative of his real position. Marty isn't, despite the additional context we've been given, ever going to reconsider the weight of the arguments on the NSA program. We're now seeing more clearly that a) this program is essential to the war with al Qaeda (and is seen as such by a majority of the Congress, even if Marty disagrees) and b) this program doesn't fit under FISA procedurally (for the reasons that Specter provides for a wholesale and not an individualized determination). If the program is essential and if FISA blocks it, one might think there'd be an explanation forthcoming for why we should think that, in these particular circumstances, FISA is a reasonable regulation of the president's Article II powers. But Marty'd rather assert that it's reasonable than provide an argument.
I think Thomas' criticisms are most apt. What strikes me is not only the overwroght nature of Marty's header "Mother of Mercy, is this the End of FISA?!*", but also his unwillingness to even admit the possibility that, as Congresswoman Harmon for one has stated, this program may be essential to national security. Indeed, given the movement away from oversight hearings and towards amending the FISA after members of Congress have been given classified briefings, this appears more and more to be the case. Yet Marty suggests that this step should be delayed indefinitely until we have litigation over whether the program is lawful, which could take years.
So I have two question. Marty, do you admit the possibility that this program may be essential to national security, as Congresswoman Harmon has stated? And, if so, do you still believe it is more important to litigate the legality of the status quo rather than amend FISA?
So I have two question. Marty, do you admit the possibility that this program may be essential to national security, as Congresswoman Harmon has stated? And, if so, do you still believe it is more important to litigate the legality of the status quo rather than amend FISA?
I can only answer for myself, but I think it's pretty easy to separate your 2 questions. The program may or may not be important to national security -- there aren't enough public details to know if it is or isn't -- but I certainly wouldn't take Jane Harman's word for it. If it IS that important, and if it's consistent with the 4th A, then I don't have any problem amending FISA. Assuming, of course, that any amendment protects against abuses. To me, though, the whole "this is an important program" rhetoric misses the salient point: that the Administration not only broke the law for 4 years, but lied about that fact to conceal the violations. Adherence to the rule of law is so vitally important to the US system of government that the national security issue pales in comparison. It is far more important to affirm the rule of law than to pass any particular amendment to FISA. In fact, the current rush to amend FISA makes the Administration's actions to date even more reprehensible. It discouraged previous amendments on the ground that they were unnecessary. It claimed that Congress would not agree to amendments. If amendments are necessary, and if Congress does agree to them, then the previous felonies become even more disturbing, if that's possible. You present a false dichotomy when you talk about litigating the status quo instead of amending FISA. It's possible to do both at once. But if Congress amends FISA without enforcing penalties for the previous violations, it will do far more damage to our country than Osama bin Laden did or can.
Mark, of course we can both amend FISA and litigate whether the Administration was violating the law. I was critiquing Marty's point that we should not -- "Let's get a prompt Supreme Court evaluation of the current lay of the law and the land -- and only then should we begin the careful evaluation of how FISA might be amended to take account of the needs of the current conflict with Al Qaeda."
You also state that "if Congress amends FISA without enforcing penalties for the previous violations, it will do far more damage to our country than Osama bin Laden did or can." I'll chalk that one up to hyperbole, as you can't seriously believe that.
I was critiquing Marty's point that we should not -- "Let's get a prompt Supreme Court evaluation of the current lay of the law and the land -- and only then should we begin the careful evaluation of how FISA might be amended to take account of the needs of the current conflict with Al Qaeda."
I think it's important to deal with the violations first, if only because that reaffirms what I consider the crucial principle. If Congress changes the law as the first step, the risk is that the violations will be overlooked or even considered retroactively approved. It's not logically necessary to proceed that way, but it probably is psychologically necessary. I'll chalk that one up to hyperbole, as you can't seriously believe that. I absolutely do believe it. The rule of law is on the VERY short list of bedrock principles for this country. Bush's contempt for that principle subtantially undermines a core American value. Bin Laden can't do that.
So, let me get this straight. You believe that if Congress chooses to amend the FISA -- a decision which would be reached by the political branches within the democratic process, mind you -- that would do far more damage to the country (your words) than someone who has slaughtered almost 3000 of our fellow citizens, and has declared his intention to kill even more. However much you may despise President Bush, all I can say is "wow."
So, let me get this straight. You believe that if Congress chooses to amend the FISA -- a decision which would be reached by the political branches within the democratic process, mind you -- that would do far more damage to the country (your words) than someone who has slaughtered almost 3000 of our fellow citizens, and has declared his intention to kill even more.
I have no idea how you could reach that conclusion from my posts. In a word, no. My view is that if Congress fails to address the Administration's repeated and continuing violations of FISA, then that failure will do more damage to America than bin Laden. I say that because the Administration's contempt for the rule of law undercuts a core American value. As for amending FISA, I don't have enough information to know if that's a good idea or not. Assuming it is, I'd prefer the amendment to come after the Administration pays a political price for its felonies. That, however, is less important to me than the fact that it pay such a price.
Mark, let's just say we respectfully disagree. Indeed, I think our point of departure is this: where you seem to believe that the highest priority is that Adminstration "pay[] a political price for its felonies," I am more interested in learning whether the NSA program is, indeed, essential to national security. When I hear members of both parties who have received classified briefings make such comments -- Senator Schumer, for example, while critical of the Administration for not revealing more about the NSA program, was specific after Senate hearings today in saying, "I do not want to have it ended; I’ve never wanted to have it ended, I just want to make sure that somebody is overseeing it" -- I think the far greater priority is to amend FISA, if need be, so that the program can continue.
where you seem to believe that the highest priority is that Adminstration "pay[] a political price for its felonies,"
Let me just restate this to say that my highest priority is to affirm the rule of law against what I perceive to be a deliberate flouting of that. IMO, standing for certain values, this among them, takes precedence.
What Bush & Co and their water carriers (Specter, DeWine, Roberts, et al) are attempting with regard to their illegal domestic eavesdropping is yet another end run around the Constitution:
Article 1, Section 9 reads: No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed. Beyond the fundamentally criminal nature of these activities -- they crossed that line a long time ago -- what about the scope of their "listening in?" Rove, Cheney, Hadley, Cambone, Bolton, and the rest . . . Does anyone truly believe these boys are strictly targeting "known terrorists and their asssociates?" Please!
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Obat kutil di sekitar kelamin Obat farmasi untuk kutil kelamin Obat generik untuk kutil kelamin Obat kutil kelamin imiquimod Jual obat kutil kelamin Jual obat kutil kelamin murah Obat kutil kelamin yg di jual di apotik Jual obat penghilang kutil kelamin Obat kimia kutil kelamin Kapur sirih untuk obat kutil kelamin Obat kutil kelamin medis Obat menghilangkan kutil kelamin Obat kutil kelamin tradisional Obat kutil kelamin Obat kutil kelamin wanita Obat kutil kelamin di apotik Obat kutil kelamin untuk ibu hamil Obat kutil kelamin untuk wanita Obat kutil kelamin mujarab Obat kutil kelamin di anus Obat kutil kelamin/jengger ayam Obat kutil kelamin paling murah obat gonore pada ibu hamil obat gonore tradisional obat gonore tenggorokan obat gonore paling efektif obat gonore pada wanita obat gonore atau kencing nanah
obat gonore apa
obat alternatif gonore obat gonore yang ampuh obat gonore yg ampuh obat gonore yang paling ampuh obat gonore yang dijual di apotik obat buat gonore obat bakteri gonore obat paten penyakit gonore obat herbal untuk penyakit gonore obat antibiotik untuk penyakit gonore obat tradisional untuk penyakit gonore resep obat gonore ramuan obat gonore obat sakit gonore obat suntik gonore obat untuk sakit gonore supertetra obat gonore obat alami sembuhkan gonore obat gonore tradisional obat gonore terbaik obat gonore terbaru obat gonore tangerang Obat herpes tradisional yang ampuh Obat herpes zoster Obat herpes kulit Obat herpes simplex Obat herpes genital Obat herpes di apotik Obat herpes kulit di apotik
Obat herpes genital di apotik
Obat herpes untuk bayi Obat herpes untuk ibu hamil Obat herpes ampuh Obat herpes untuk anak Obat herpes mulut Pengobatan herbal kutil kelamin wanita pengobatan ampuh kutil kelamin pada wanita obat kutil kelamin yang ada di apotik obat kutil kelamin yg dijual di apotik obat kutil di kemaluan wanita pengobatan kutil kelamin pada pria pengobatan penyakit kutil kelamin pada pria obat penyakit kutil pada kelamin pria Pengobatan kutil kelamin aman dan tanpa operasi obat kutil pada alat kelamin pria pengobatan kutil kelamin pengobatan kutil kelamin pada pria dan wanita pengobatan kutil kelamin pria pengobatan kutil kelamin wanita pengobatan kutil kelamin dengan cuka apel pengobatan kutil kelamin di anus Cara mengobati kutil di kelamin wanita hamil pengobatan kutil kelamin di bandung Cara mengobati jengger ayam dan kutil kelamin obat kutil kelamin Obat wasir herbal tanpa operasi Obat wasir herbal stadium 4 tanpa operasi Cara mengobati wasir dan ambeien
Obat ambeien ampuh sembuh dalam 5 hari
Pengobatan ambeien keluar benjolan tanpa operasi Pengobatan wasir stadium 4 tanpa operasi Obat wasir untuk ibu setelah melahirkan Obat wasir tradisional yang ampuh Cara ampuh atasi wasir pada wanita Obat yang bagus untuk wasir Obat wasir aman buat ibu hamil Obat wasir aman ibu menyusui Obat wasir untuk ibu habis melahirkan Obat de nature khusus untuk wasir stdium 4 Cara mengobati wasir tana perlu operasi Pengobatan wasir dan ambeien mujarab Pengobatan wasir tanpa operasi Obat wasir dan ambeien stadium 4 Obat penyakit wasir herbal De Nature Obat untuk wasir pada ibu hamil Cara mengobati wasir yang parah tanpa operasi Obat ambeien tradisional Obat wasir herbal De Nature Obat wasir ambeclear Obat wasir alami Obat wasir ambeven Obat wasir berdarah Obat wasir ampuh Obat wasir untuk ibu hamil Obat wasir ardium Obat wasir ampuh di apotik Obat wasir luar Obat wasir paling ampuh
obat kanker serviks tradisional jawa
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Books by Balkinization Bloggers ![]() Mark A. Graber, Punish Treason, Reward Loyalty: The Forgotten Goals of Constitutional Reform after the Civil War (University of Kansas Press, 2023) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Most Controversial Decision - Revised Edition (NYU Press, 2023) ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed (St. Martin’s Press, 2022) ![]() Gerard N. Magliocca, Washington's Heir: The Life of Justice Bushrod Washington (Oxford University Press, 2022) ![]() Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugaric, Power to the People: Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism (Oxford University Press 2021). ![]() Mark Philip Bradley and Mary L. Dudziak, eds., Making the Forever War: Marilyn B. Young on the Culture and Politics of American Militarism Culture and Politics in the Cold War and Beyond (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021). ![]() Jack M. Balkin, What Obergefell v. Hodges Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Same-Sex Marriage Decision (Yale University Press, 2020) ![]() Frank Pasquale, New Laws of Robotics: Defending Human Expertise in the Age of AI (Belknap Press, 2020) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, The Cycles of Constitutional Time (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Mark Tushnet, Taking Back the Constitution: Activist Judges and the Next Age of American Law (Yale University Press 2020). ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty?: The Unnecessary Conflict (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Ezekiel J Emanuel and Abbe R. Gluck, The Trillion Dollar Revolution: How the Affordable Care Act Transformed Politics, Law, and Health Care in America (PublicAffairs, 2020) ![]() Linda C. McClain, Who's the Bigot?: Learning from Conflicts over Marriage and Civil Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin, Democracy and Dysfunction (University of Chicago Press, 2019) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies (Duke University Press 2018) ![]() Mark A. Graber, Sanford Levinson, and Mark Tushnet, eds., Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? (Oxford University Press 2018) ![]() Gerard Magliocca, The Heart of the Constitution: How the Bill of Rights became the Bill of Rights (Oxford University Press, 2018) ![]() Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson, Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today (Peachtree Publishers, 2017) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, A Realistic Theory of Law (Cambridge University Press 2017) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Nullification and Secession in Modern Constitutional Thought (University Press of Kansas 2016) ![]() Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading The Federalist in the 21st Century (Yale University Press 2015) ![]() Stephen M. Griffin, Broken Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform (University Press of Kansas, 2015) ![]() Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information (Harvard University Press, 2015) ![]() Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard University Press, 2014) Balkinization Symposium on We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution ![]() Joseph Fishkin, Bottlenecks: A New Theory of Equal Opportunity (Oxford University Press, 2014) ![]() Mark A. Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism (Oxford University Press, 2013) ![]() John Mikhail, Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls' Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgment (Cambridge University Press, 2013) ![]() Gerard N. Magliocca, American Founding Son: John Bingham and the Invention of the Fourteenth Amendment (New York University Press, 2013) ![]() Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) ![]() James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) ![]() Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) ![]() Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) ![]() Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) ![]() Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) ![]() Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) ![]() Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) ![]() Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic ![]() Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) ![]() Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) ![]() Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) ![]() Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) ![]() Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) ![]() David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) ![]() Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) ![]() Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |