Balkinization   |
Balkinization
Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts Definition of "Audacity"
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Monday, December 19, 2005
Definition of "Audacity"
Marty Lederman
Noun: Bold or insolent heedlessness of restraints, as of those imposed by prudence, propriety, or convention.
Comments:
Marty,
I agree that the Administration's arguments here are pretty weak, though not novel (the inherent powers argument has found support, bafflingly to my mind, for quite some time). But I find it funny that people who don't mind finding all kinds of liberal goodies in the Constitution, which never did and never would get there by any Democratic process, think those are worth fighting tooth and nail for. On the other hand, when John Yoo finds what Lincoln found there, he's "lawless." Actually, he is, as was Lincoln's suspension of the writ, as was Roe, as was Roper. I'm against ALL the lawlessness. Who knows, maybe Bush's playfulness with written laws will make textualists of all the purposivists out there...there is, after all, a reason to write things down and to insist that words have meanings that can be understood: the rule of law. T.
The AUMF argument only makes sense in relation to the (far stronger) Article II claim. We need to take a step back and think here: does the administration have the right to intercept messages from an organization we have declared war on to residents of the US without judicial oversite? If we were talking about Goebbels sending letters to German immigrants i imagine it would pass the laugh test. Its the wiretapping that is freaking us out. If it was a letter or morse code or smoke signals no-one would think twice about the governments ability to intercept it when its transmitted from an overseas combatant.
Actually, Mark, your points are fair as to the substance of things. But law is not just about results. I'm not so bothered by wiretaps--I think the internet and Visa have pretty much eliminated privacy, a right we tend to fetishize in modernity anyway. So I might be perfectly comfortable with giving this power to the executive.
What I am not comfortable with is the prospect of a lawless executive claiming to be the sole interpreter of its own unwritten inherent powers. This surveillance program, if it is necessary for our security, could be accomplished legislatively, and I would not be bothered.
The best discussion of Lincoln's constitutional thought I've seen is "Lincoln's Constitution," by Daniel Farber. My impression from that book is that Lincoln was a good deal more respectful of constitutional and Congressional authority than Bush/Gonzales are. Far from overriding settled law when it was inconvenient, Lincoln acknowledged that ultimately Congressional authority was required for constitutionally controversial emergency actions.
My other impression is that the Civil War was a far more existential threat to the United States than the current perma-yellow-alert emergency is. As to Goebbels and German immigrants: if there had been settled law against wiretaps of this sort, that should have been serious back then too. I seem to recall other actions against Americans of foreign extraction back then that most Americans are ashamed of today.
"What I am not comfortable with is the prospect of a lawless executive claiming to be the sole interpreter of its own unwritten inherent powers."
If that were truly the case he would hardly be briefing Congressional leaders. Assumedly there was aquessance in their silence. This is where the AUMF has an impact. We arent talking simply about a president eavesdropping on offshore groups he personally deems dangerous to the US (although he certainly has that discretion if they arent communicating with anyone on US soil). Gonzalez rightly (if ineptly) points out that this organization is a specific enemy, specifically declared an enemy by Congress. I pointed to this example on VC: if during a 'conventional' war, an enemy submarine was comminicating with a commando team already on US soil, would the administration require a warrant intercept? Or would that not clearly fall under his Article II purview? So obviously there is a line here, the question becomes where is it drawn? In in that context the AUMF is certainly germaine.
Assumedly there was aquessance in their silence.
Briefings aren't acquiescence. Say I bind and gag you and then 'brief' you that I'm about to rob your house. Later I tell the court "he didn't object." I guess you'd be pulling your chin saying "hmm, guy's got a point." I think opposition party congressmen and women can't just run around blabbing about whatever they hear at an intelligence briefing. All they can do -- the few who even hear about the program, that is -- is object directly to the administration. Jay Rockefeller wrote a letter to Cheney doing just that, expressing strong reservations that were anything but acquiescence.
I pointed to this example on VC: if during a 'conventional' war, an enemy submarine was comminicating with a commando team already on US soil, would the administration require a warrant intercept? Or would that not clearly fall under his Article II purview? So obviously there is a line here, the question becomes where is it drawn? In in that context the AUMF is certainly germaine.
But of course, the FISA already provides for this exigency. There is no need to make an end-run around the statute. The administration can wiretap such communications immediately, subject to obtaining a warrant from the FISC within 72 hours.
Briefings aren't acquiescence. Say I bind and gag you and then 'brief' you that I'm about to rob your house. Later I tell the court "he didn't object." I guess you'd be pulling your chin saying "hmm, guy's got a point."
The representatives were far from bound and gagged. They definitely had other means of investigation and oversite by means of the Intelligence committees. Those venues are already within a classified realm and can discuss such issues. If they then deemed the presidents activities as illegal, they then could tell him so and take further action as neccessary. Which include court actions if deemed appropriate. Rockefeller's single letter is far from performing his due diligence in this. He most certainly could have brought this up in committee and forced the issue if he chose to. And note, other Senators, of both parties, made similar statements and still did nothing. They all should be given a portion of the blame for failure to do anything beyond the most meager of protests.
They definitely had other means of investigation and oversite by means of the Intelligence committees.
Yeah, right. Bush has said it was "shameful" to reveal the existence of this unapproved, illegal program. The Senate and the House are both run by party-line partisans who have to shamed (and what an iffy proposition that was) into keeping their own promise to follow up on the pre-war politicization of intelligence. Oops, make that 'promising to keep their own promise.' You know that you'd be supporting Bush and the Republicans to the hilt if Rockefeller had come out saying anything he was sworn not to. There wasn't oversight, there was the arm-twisted appearance of oversight. And you know it.
From a speech by George W. Bush on April 20, 2004, more than two years after the illegal wiretapping of Americans commenced on his personal say so:
Secondly, there are such things as roving wiretaps. Now, by the way, any time you hear the United States government talking about wiretap, it requires -- a wiretap requires a court order. Nothing has changed, by the way. When we're talking about chasing down terrorists, we're talking about getting a court order before we do so. It's important for our fellow citizens to understand, when you think Patriot Act, constitutional guarantees are in place when it comes to doing what is necessary to protect our homeland, because we value the Constitution. Thanks to Carol Watson for the heads up.
Good point, whig. Pres. Bush also made the same claim last fall during one of the presidential debates. He claimed, in response to a question during the "undecided voters" debate, that all wiretaps required a warrant, knowing as he said so that he had repeatedly authorized warrantless wiretaps. That's called lying.
That speech is interesting too, inasmuch as Bush repeatedly states, "When the President speaks, he better mean it."
I certainly have a problem with the president having carte blanche authority to surveil American's in search of foreign intelligence, but it seems that there is in fact some legal basis this view.
It seems that there are actually quite a few federal cases that say that the President has the "inherent authority" to wiretap without a warrant in order to gain foreign intelligence. In particular, there seems to be a 2002 case, In Re Sealed Case 310 F.3d 717, which explicitly states this. I this case, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court of Review determined that the President had “inherent authority to conduct warrantless searches to obtain foreign intelligence information,” and that so long as the only real use of a FISA warrant is to be later able to use that information in a criminal prosecution. This authority apparently comes from the President’s role as Commander-in-Chief. and therefore Congress had no power to restrict this authority through FISA or any other means short of proposing a Constitutional Amendment. I am more than willing to have someone tell me that I am wrong here, in fact, I wish someone would, but it seems to me that this was within the law.
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Books by Balkinization Bloggers ![]() Jack M. Balkin, What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Most Controversial Decision - Revised Edition (NYU Press, 2023) ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed (St. Martin’s Press, 2022) ![]() Gerard N. Magliocca, Washington's Heir: The Life of Justice Bushrod Washington (Oxford University Press, 2022) ![]() Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugaric, Power to the People: Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism (Oxford University Press 2021). ![]() Mark Philip Bradley and Mary L. Dudziak, eds., Making the Forever War: Marilyn B. Young on the Culture and Politics of American Militarism Culture and Politics in the Cold War and Beyond (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021). ![]() Jack M. Balkin, What Obergefell v. Hodges Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Same-Sex Marriage Decision (Yale University Press, 2020) ![]() Frank Pasquale, New Laws of Robotics: Defending Human Expertise in the Age of AI (Belknap Press, 2020) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, The Cycles of Constitutional Time (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Mark Tushnet, Taking Back the Constitution: Activist Judges and the Next Age of American Law (Yale University Press 2020). ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty?: The Unnecessary Conflict (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Ezekiel J Emanuel and Abbe R. Gluck, The Trillion Dollar Revolution: How the Affordable Care Act Transformed Politics, Law, and Health Care in America (PublicAffairs, 2020) ![]() Linda C. McClain, Who's the Bigot?: Learning from Conflicts over Marriage and Civil Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin, Democracy and Dysfunction (University of Chicago Press, 2019) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies (Duke University Press 2018) ![]() Mark A. Graber, Sanford Levinson, and Mark Tushnet, eds., Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? (Oxford University Press 2018) ![]() Gerard Magliocca, The Heart of the Constitution: How the Bill of Rights became the Bill of Rights (Oxford University Press, 2018) ![]() Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson, Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today (Peachtree Publishers, 2017) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, A Realistic Theory of Law (Cambridge University Press 2017) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Nullification and Secession in Modern Constitutional Thought (University Press of Kansas 2016) ![]() Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading The Federalist in the 21st Century (Yale University Press 2015) ![]() Stephen M. Griffin, Broken Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform (University Press of Kansas, 2015) ![]() Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information (Harvard University Press, 2015) ![]() Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard University Press, 2014) Balkinization Symposium on We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution ![]() Joseph Fishkin, Bottlenecks: A New Theory of Equal Opportunity (Oxford University Press, 2014) ![]() Mark A. Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism (Oxford University Press, 2013) ![]() John Mikhail, Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls' Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgment (Cambridge University Press, 2013) ![]() Gerard N. Magliocca, American Founding Son: John Bingham and the Invention of the Fourteenth Amendment (New York University Press, 2013) ![]() Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) ![]() James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) ![]() Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) ![]() Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) ![]() Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) ![]() Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) ![]() Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) ![]() Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) ![]() Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic ![]() Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) ![]() Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) ![]() Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) ![]() Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) ![]() Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) ![]() David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) ![]() Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) ![]() Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |