Balkinization  

Friday, December 13, 2024

Data Protection: Individuals and Institutions

Guest Blogger

For the Balkinization Symposium on Ignacio Cofone, The Privacy Fallacy: Harm and Power in the Information Economy Cambridge University Press (2023).

Margot E. Kaminski

Ignacio Cofone has written a masterful book arguing for increasing the role of liability in information privacy law. There is little about this substantive call with which I disagree. Yes, courts need to do a better job of recognizing and remedying non-consequential privacy harms (p. 113-114, 157). Yes, as a matter of institutional design, privacy desperately needs civil liability (p. 89). And yes, much of the proceduralized control, or consent, on which many privacy laws around the world rely is steeped in fallacies about how people and markets behave (Ch. 3).

I found myself nodding along and wishing I lived in a country where (a) the Supreme Court weren’t so wedded to a deeply consequential understanding of privacy, and (b) the political process in states didn’t repeatedly result in a devil’s bargain with no private right of action for individuals. The world Cofone wants for us isn’t the world in which most of us live. But one role of great scholarship is to make us want to give that world a try.

For this Symposium, I address Cofone’s take on data protection in particular, which unrolls primarily in Chapter 5. Cofone’s view and overview are careful, informed, and nuanced, unlike a lot of what has been written about the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). For example, while pointing out that “[c]onsent is key to data protection law” outside of Europe (p. 90), Cofone observes that under the GDPR, there are in fact six grounds for lawful data processing, including legitimate basis. This is a distinction many people miss.

He notes, however, that individual control (distinct from consent) is still central to the GDPR (p. 90). Control, he argues, comes with a lot of the same problems of a consent-based regime. At the core of Cofone’s arguments against the FIPS-based individual rights in data protection is that today’s data economy is inherently deeply complex (p. 94). Data protection rights like access or correction, he argues, might work with respect to your health information held by your doctor. But they “aren’t equipped to operate in scalable, ever-present, and opaque corporate data practices”(94). That’s not wrong. I personally think individual rights are necessary, not sufficient, and play a significant role in the overall design of data protection law, whether they successfully vindicate individual interests or not. But I don’t disagree that complexity and shenanigans render them far from perfect in practice.

I love Cofone’s attention to jurisdictions beyond the U.S. and EU. I love the clarifications of the ways in which the GDPR, a more recent update amongst global data protection regimes, differs from how data protection is instantiated elsewhere. Again, this is detailed, researched, careful work. I learned a lot.

Cofone doesn’t wholesale dismiss data protection; instead, he highlights where it can be useful. This is where things get more interesting. He notes, correctly in my view, that broader data protection laws do in fact set “consent-independent, mandatory rules” (p. 98). The problem, however, is in the operationalizing: primarily through procedure, rather than substance, which leads to checklist compliance (p. 98). The procedure-heavy—as opposed to substance-heavy—nature of data protection tends, according to Cofone, to both underprotection and overregulation (pp. 99-101). Instead, Cofone calls for mandatory provisions that (1) can’t hinge on user agreement; (2) should address systemic rather than individual harms; and (3) must be substantive rather than procedural (p. 104). He insists that data protection alone is not enough: “a better approach is to combine substantive prohibitions aimed at reducing risk and liability when risk materializes”(89). Hear, hear. And he points to the EU AI Act as a better way forward. Erm.

What I bring to bear is a focus on the role of institutions. This is particularly salient when it comes to how Cofone contrasts data protection under the GDPR with the EU AI Act (p. 105). The takeaway: wow, do institutions matter. They matter as much, if not more, than the shape of law on the books. What do I mean? The EU’s admittedly proceduralist data protection law has, even prior to the GDPR, been ratcheted up by the Court of Justice of the European Union. The CJEU has a data protection mandate in the form of human rights law (the Charter of Fundamental Rights) that it has interpreted expansively. The CJEU, institutionally speaking, is the backstop of the entire EU data protection enterprise.

Liability, from where I stand, is a crucial aspect of institutional design (particularly, as Doug Kysar reminds us, in risk regulation, so central to both data protection and AI law). That’s not really what Cofone is concerned with. He’s more concerned with forcing companies to internalize externalities, and with making harmed individuals whole. He’s also very concerned with shifting us away from an ineffective consent-based paradigm, which is admirable. But liability also plays a role in overall regulatory design. It can serve an information-forcing function when regulators get too cozy with the regulated. It can spur substantive policy development by bringing poorly regulated behavior to light. It can, through common-law processes, provide substantive interpretations of broader standards by institutions other than regulators: courts. But the mere existence of liability isn’t the only thing that matters. Having in the mix a court backed by a human rights instrument that is willing to sometimes privilege data privacy as a higher value gives significant heft to what may often look like proceduralist garble. The individual claim triggers the rights-effecting court.

Cofone praises the EU AI Act, in contrast with data protection, for actually banning specific practices, and for otherwise being “structured by risk”(105). Sure. The AI Act does ban some things, and that’s fascinating. (So are the exceptions—a result of torturous political compromise, as I understand it.) But the AI Act comparatively flails when it comes to institutions. There’s no private right of action! There are regulators, but not with existing expertise in AI systems. It is not clear—to me, at least—what role if any the CJEU will play. When it comes to a lot of the core requirements for high risk systems, the Act delegates substantive policymaking to standards-setting organizations rather than public lawmakers. (It’s also rife with proceduralism, FWIW.)

My point is this: who interprets the law, who negotiates, develops, and changes its meaning—who makes, it, monitors it, and enforces it—may be as significant to its ultimate efficacy as whether it’s structured on its face around substance or procedure. A private right of action that sounds in tort law is different from a private right of action that sounds in a human rights instrument. If we’re going to wish for a better world, why not try for that as well?

Margot E. Kaminski is Professor of Law at the University of Colorado Law School. You can reach her by e-mail at  Margot Kaminski <margot.kaminski@colorado.edu>.



Older Posts
Newer Posts
Home