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Linda Colley’s important new work, The Gun, the Ship, and the Pen:
Warfare Constitutions and the Making of the Modern World, arrives at a
unique intellectual and political moment. The interest in constitutions across
space and time is increasing as historians and lawyers are coming to appreciate
the dramatic place that canonical legal texts have held in the construction of modern
political life. Alongside, many of our conventional and established
constitutional truths, from the role and power of representative assemblies to
the sanctity of rights and liberties, are facing fresh challenges. On the one
hand, we are finally understanding how constitutions are ubiquitous; how they
are far too important to be left to lawyers. On the other hand, the role and
value of constitutions is being questioned as crises loom large for several
constitutional democracies whose canonical texts seem to offer few defenses.
The Gun, the Ship, and the Pen gives us a profound sense of just how ubiquitous constitutions are. Colley
rightly observes that constitutions are almost invariably studied in the
context of a specific legal system. Even though legal scholarship has witnessed
a notable comparative turn over the past two decades, the study of
constitutions is still typically performed with reference to a particular legal
order. Through a series of fascinating chapters – refreshing global if under
the shadow of European developments – Colley portrays how constitutions – their
idea, drafting, and content – gripped leaders, revolutionaries, citizens, and
subjects from 1750 onward. From Catherine the Great’s Nakaz to the
Philadelphia delegates, written words and the printed medium were embraced with
intent and enthusiasm.
What drove this global move towards written canonical texts? The driving
force, Colley argues, was a change in the character of warfare. The scale and
cost of wartime engagement placed profound stresses upon nations, who “elected
to experiment with written constitutions as a means to reorder government, mark
out and lay claim to contested boundaries, and publicize and assert their
position at home and on the world’s stage”. The performance and management of
wars not only became a key task for leaders, it also often led to altered
political arrangements that invited new canonical texts. Simply put, wars destroyed
and created nations; and constitutions were central to that process.
But though wars may well have been central to the 18th and 19th
centuries, it is less certain that they fully capture the dramatic
post-colonial constitutional experiments of the 20th century. What
is special, for example, in the case of India or South Africa is not merely
their atypical struggles for freedom, but more fundamentally the burden imposed
upon the new written constitutional texts. The documents that created these
nations, as I try to argue in the Indian context in India’s Founding Moment,
sought to inaugurate an entirely new language for politics. They attempted a
new universalism, an embracing of ideas of self-rule in regions where
democracy’s assumed ingredients – a certain level of literacy and income, and a
degree of state capacity – were lacking. For these nations, democratic politics
could itself create the conditions for its existence; and a constitution held
the promise of constructing such a politics.
These 20th century revolutions and those of prior centuries
grasped a crucial truth about our political ontology: constitutionalism is a
world-making activity. One of The Gun, the Ship, and the Pen’s many
strengths is the force and brilliance with which it brings this idea to light.
Though Colley’s wide-ranging narrative, we are exposed to the radically modern
belief that our political world can indeed be altered, that it can be made and
remade, and that constitutionalism is above all about enabling that making and remaking.
The rules that govern us in fact make us – they constitute us – a new
set of words can bring about a new set of practices.
Read at the present moment, Colley’s emphasis on the importance that
constitutions have enjoyed holds two significant lessons for our time. The
first is that the challenge to constitutional democracy that confronts us today
– the rise of populism, as it has come to be known – is not merely from those
who seek to conduct politics on very different terms. It is also, in no small
measure, from those who believe that our world cannot change at all. Throughout
The Gun, the Ship, and the Pen, one comes to see how constitutionalists
are not only fighting against those with an alternative political proposal;
they are also battling political cynicism. To believe that our world cannot be
made and remade, that our political life cannot be conducted in new and fresh
ways, is, to put the point plainly, a deeply anti-constitutionalist sentiment.
The second insight that emerges from the work, through an interplay of
political actors and written texts, is that the contemporary concern that is
sometimes offered that written texts like constitutions cannot save democracy –
a concern that carries a certain skepticism towards constitutionalism – somewhat
misses the point of constitutions. One can regard constitutions as vitally
important, and as a remarkable means to reorder our political life, without
seeing them as self-executing. The characters in The Gun, the Ship, and the
Pen do not believe that their role ends when a constitution comes into
force. No constitutional order can be possible without some external elite
political and deeper social support. The magic of modern constitutionalism is
that the people who commit to a constitutional order are themselves remade
through working within that order. For decades, we have assumed that our
constitutional orders are creating democratic citizens of us all. Whether our
contemporary crises will give rise to a new kind of citizenry remains to be
seen; the role of constitutional politics in those changes remains certain.
Madhav Khosla is an Associate Professor of Law at Columbia Law School. You can reach him by e-mail at mk3432 at columbia.edu.