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Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts Are we in an unrecognized constitutional crisis?
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Monday, February 04, 2019
Are we in an unrecognized constitutional crisis?
Sandy Levinson
The term "constitutional crisis" is much bandied around these days. Jack and I wrote an article about a decade ago offering some quite stringent conditions for a genuine "constitutional crisis" to exist, and he has argued that its use during the Trump presidency has been misleading. He and I might slightly disagree on the main point, for I do believe that the failure of the Constitution to provide an alternative to the clearly inefficacious mechanisms of the Impeachment Clause and the 25th Amendment to get rid of a president in whom we deservedly have no confidence at all in matters of war and peace, life and death, or, for that matter, keeping the country together in some semblance of "domestic tranquility," may serve as evidence why the Constitution itself is the crisis at present.
Comments:
It is true as a general matter that the system as a whole, not any one mere "parchment barrier," is the imperfect security in place. This includes the limitations of any one person, particularly this person, to operate their will. This involves, however, various institutions protected by that parchment (Congress, the press etc.).
The concern that the acting AG is illegitimate, for instance, has been expressed by various people. There is an expressed understanding as well he was chosen especially because he would be a toady to Trump, including in respect to the Mueller Investigation. But, Whitaker is realistically constrained there, even if in theory he had power to severely interfere in various respects. The same holds true to his permanent replacement, whose confirmation is likely to occur later this month. This restraint, if limited in nature, involves a complicated mixture of interconnected parts. It brings to mind Justice Kennedy's much maligned concurrence in the travel ban case in which he noted that even if the courts do not restrain them, governmental actors still have an obligation to constitutional limitations.
The constitutional crises to which you refer are long standing - Congress' delegation of its legislative power and the court's judicial power to an absolute bureaucracy, then Congress enacting legislation allowing POTUS to appoint acting heads of these monstrosities without Senate confirmation.
Your complaint is not really with Congress' abdications of Article I power forming the crisis, though, but rather with Trump's acting heads marginally restraining the absolute bureaucracy.
Is SPAM bestowing praise on "rump's acting heads marginally restraining the absolute bureaucracy" in SPAM's analysis of what's really Sandy's complaint? Perhaps SPAM can analyze whether the Cruz Canadacy sporting a beard can come to the GOP rescue in 2020, with a sort of political "cover up" of the most hated man in the Senate. SPAM's comment blames Congress for creating the problem of the Executive (although SPAM fails to direct place blame on Trump) and scorches The Court. Is this anarchy? But SPAM has his revolting 2nd A rights to protect us.
But maybe Trump's sole claim to success prior to becoming President was his "acting" on "The Apprentice," resulting in Trump's appointing of acting heads" for Executive departments. By the way, nice hearing from Sandy.
I'm pretty sure I've made this point here before, but if Congress fails to do its job, the natural result will be that the system will move towards presidential government as people get impatient with the lack of solutions to problems. Anyone who values democracy should see this as another incremental step in a slow-moving crisis.
There of course is no absolute bureaucracy. Bureaucratic edicts are commonly changed when new Executives come into power. Congress can and has directly overruled the same. And Courts commonly strike them down.
To me the real Constitutional crisis is becoming evident today in that the Founders put the Executive power, which now includes federal foreign and domestic investigatory institutions, wholly under the President. This makes possible what we are seeing today: an administration riddled with officials of a campaign who had at the very least extremely questionable ties/dealings with foreign powers who were meddling in our elections and who unquestionably have told numerous lies about it. Any patriot should want to see this investigated to the fullest extent as it's a direct assault on our democracy by foreign powers and the traitors that would aid and abet them for mere partisan and/or monetary gain. And yet the head of the very campaign/administration that begs an investigation is also the head of the federal apparatus that oversees that investigation! It's an inherent flaw in our system that is becoming apparent more so every day (though ameliorated somewhat by the special counsel laws and political norms).
Mr. W: There of course is no absolute bureaucracy. Bureaucratic edicts are commonly changed when new Executives come into power. Congress can and has directly overruled the same. And Courts commonly strike them down.
If restraining the absolute bureaucracy was a regular occurrence, progressives would not be hysterically complaining about Trump "egregiously" breaking "norms" by "gutting" the bureaucracy.
Of course that is not what most 'progressives' are pointing to in that regard. Trump's 'breaking norms' refers to a myriad of things; his childish tweeting, his challenging of long established alliances and practices, his calls for his political opponent to be jailed (laughably Brett used to come here and talk about Trump's opponents couldn't accept electoral defeat and wanted to usurp Trump's win by criminalization; Trump can't even accept electoral *victory* to stop trying to criminalize his political opponents!), his general boorish behavior, his proven hardly considered executive orders, and finally, most germane to Sandy's point, his use of 'acting' directors.
Trump himself, and his sycophants, ran on, and continue to bray about, how he's an unprecedented phenomena who 'alone' can save us by 'draining the swamp' and providing unprecedented 'regulatory relief.'
The reference to Madison etc. brings to mind a discussion on another blog on originalism: http://www.dorfonlaw.org/2019/02/originalism-off-ground.html
The lessons of history are helpful but it is also true that we are living in the present with a lot more water under the bridge. I'm somewhat wary of such appeals to what the founders said, including by critics who use it to respond to others. What will happen in the future remains to be seen -- it is trite now to say we should not assume -- but the bill will have to be paid somehow. It might not be as striking of a response as some desire (e.g., there is a debate now over completely ending the filibuster after 2020) but figure it will be something to see.
"Given the almost certain willingness of the GOP in the Senate to rubber-stamp Trump's appointments,"
I was under the impression that, aside from judicial nominations, the Senate was actually slow-walking Trump's appointments. According to Wikipedia,"Average approval time has been nine days slower for Trump appointees versus Obama's."
Perhaps Brett might check Wikipedia for stats on Trump's failure to make nominations to key positions requiring Senate advise and consent compared to Obama. "Acting" department heads do not call for Senate approval time.
The time to confirm seems irrelevant, even assuming the numbers are right. The point raised in the OP involves the use of *acting* officials. That is, Trump has refused to make a confirmable appointment, so "time to confirmation" doesn't matter.
Shag: SPAM's comment blames Congress for creating the problem of the Executive (although SPAM fails to direct place blame on Trump) and scorches The Court.
A Democrat Congress long ago enacted legislation unconstitutionally allowing the POTUS to make interim appointments. So, yes, Congress created this problem by delegating yet another one of its Article I powers to the executive.
SPAM seems to ignore the position of several constitutional scholars about the lack of Senate advise and consent regarding Trump's appointment of an "acting" AG who had not been so constitutionally vetted in his service as a staff person serving AG Jess Sessions. I'm not sure of the role of SCOTUS in this regard. Rather than referring to "unconstitutional" legislation, it could be that Trump acted unconstitutionally in his appointment. And of course SPAM ignores norms, as does Trump. It's obvious that Trump is an apprentice in governance. Note that SPAM continues not to direct blame on Trump. Then there's the Court.
I seem to recall that on an earlier thread at this Blog on the "Acting" AG's appointment, SPAM assured us that Trump would promptly nominate and submit to the Senate a candidate for AG. It took Trump a while.
Shag:
I find it amusing when "constitutional scholars" who have spent their entire lives erasing and rewriting the Constitution in order to rubber stamp progressive policy suddenly become born again original meaning absolutists when it comes to Trump employing long standing progressive laws to advance his own agenda. As soon as these eminent scholars begin employing this new found fidelity to the text of the Constitution to progressive policy, I will take their arguments as something more than rank hypocrisy.
Check out the abstract at the Legal Theory Blog at:
https://lsolum.typepad.com/legaltheory/2019/02/peter-l-strauss-columbia-law-school-has-postederoding-checks-on-presidential-authority-norms-the-civil-service-and-t.html where a link is provided to Peter Strauss' "Eroding 'Checks' on Presidential Authority – Norms, the Civil Service, and the Courts" a short but dense 8 pages comparing what' seems to be happening with the Trump Administration under the Constitution and contrasting it to the UK's parliamentary system with its Brexit problem. Sandy might find this article interesting; perhaps he has read it. I'll be thinking of this article as I watch SOTU.
Perhaps SPAM isn't aware that Larry Solum, long an originalist, has suggested that original meaning originalism can lead to progressive results, in his responses to critiques of originalism to the effect that that it leads to conservative results (like a Ouija Board). Also, non-originalists consider the original meaning of the Constitution, history, precedent and other factors in interpreting/construing the Constitution as it has been amended from time to time. As a movement, originalism surfaced in the 1970s and has evolved and continues to evolve. Efforts have been made to make originalism scientific, utilizing corpus linguistics, a cunning effort.
Shag:
I am familiar with Sullum's interesting attempt to sell original public meaning interpretation to progressives by noting a handful outcomes with which they may agree. These are the proverbial exceptions which prove the rule, however. The original public meaning of the Constitution expressly prohibits nearly the entire progressive political economy. The opening provisions of Articles I-III separating the powers of government prohibits the absolute bureaucracy; equal protection of the law prohibits redistributions of wealth; and the limited powers granted by Article I, Section 8 and the various property rights prohibit nearly all government directions of the economy.
Topical tidbit: acting Cabinet members are generally understood as not in the line of succession, so the designated survivor during the SOTU could not be picked from them. Toss in Chao (not natural born), the options were somewhat limited.
https://t.co/OYReExGQjw
It's important to remember that with ostensible 'conservatives' like Bart every accusation masks a confession. It's safe to say that despite the sophomoric logic invoked it's also true that there's not a scrap of evidence that the writers and ratifiers of the 14th Amendment understood the EPC to bar taxation at different rates. Bart is doing exactly what he accuses 'progressives' of doing, 'rewriting' the Constitution to install his personal political philosophy (and a radical one to boot).
SPAM's MAGA continues to look to the late 19th century'a The Gilded Age with it Robber Barons. But was original public meaning way back when universal in the several states in the late 18th century? And who constituted the "public" back then?
Mr. W: It's important to remember that with ostensible 'conservatives' like Bart every accusation masks a confession. It's safe to say that despite the sophomoric logic invoked it's also true that there's not a scrap of evidence that the writers and ratifiers of the 14th Amendment understood the EPC to bar taxation at different rates.
Why would they even consider the question? Congress had never attempted to impose a progressive income tax up through that time. Heck, progressives avoided the entire topic when they pushed to ratify the 16th Amendment. Lack of intent is one of the reasons why you apply the original public meaning of the text rather than engaging in original intent snipe hunts. Equal means equal.
"The time to confirm seems irrelevant, even assuming the numbers are right. The point raised in the OP involves the use of *acting* officials. That is, Trump has refused to make a confirmable appointment, so "time to confirmation" doesn't matter."
Yes, Trump has said that he's deliberately not filling some positions, ones he views as unneeded. The reduced number of nominations makes the sluggish action on the nominations he does make even more conspicuous.
"Equal means equal."
It's sophomoric to think this was understood that everyone be treated the same always in everything. Congress had (and has) laws that treated criminals differently than non-criminals, seamen differently than other workers, manufacturers of some goods differently than others, and *at the time of the writing and subsequent passing for ratification of the Amendment was operating under a federal income tax that taxed people of different incomes at different rates* (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revenue_Act_of_1862). Again, for Bart every accusation is a confession. It's *he* that would 'rewrite' the Constitution to suit his contemporary political philosophy.
Mr. W:
In a government which limits itself to keeping people from harming one another, equal protection of the law is easy. Thou shalt not ____. No exceptions. Equal protection of the law is by definition impossible under a totalitarian government dedicated to directing your economy and redistributing your wealth. I recalled the 3% Civil War tax rate, but not the 5% rate. I stand corrected. Equal still means equal.
SPAM responds to Mr. W:
"In a government which limits itself to keeping people from harming one another, equal protection of the law is easy. Thou shalt not ____. No exceptions." What are the limitations on people who rely upon the 2nd A to obtain weapons and gun down innocent people? SPAM's response might track the NRA: "Those innocent people would be the 'good guys' with guns that if armed would stop the 'bad guys' with guns." Consider the protection that the "bad guy" with a gun gets from the judicial system after gunning down innocent people; what "equal protection" do the latter get?
Shag: What are the limitations on people who rely upon the 2nd A to obtain weapons and gun down innocent people?
Thou shalt not murder.
"Trump has said that he's deliberately not filling some positions, ones he views as unneeded."
This has nothing to do with the point of the OP, which is acting officials. The fact that there is an acting official means that he doesn't view them as unneeded. "The reduced number of nominations makes the sluggish action on the nominations he does make even more conspicuous." I don't know why you keep trying to change the subject to this.
What about "Thou shalt not be murdered"? The victim gets unequal protection than does the perp. Query: Were the ten commandments incorporated into the Constitution?
"In a government which limits itself to keeping people from harming one another, equal protection of the law is easy. Thou shalt not ____. No exceptions."
That's your political philosophy but not that of writers and ratifiers of the text. You're doing exactly what you accuse 'progressives' of doing.
BD: "Equal means equal."
Mr. W: It's sophomoric to think this was understood that everyone be treated the same always in everything. BD: "In a government which limits itself to keeping people from harming one another, equal protection of the law is easy. Thou shalt not ____. No exceptions." Mr. W: That's your political philosophy but not that of writers and ratifiers of the text. You're doing exactly what you accuse 'progressives' of doing. Tap dance much? When I noted the unchanging meaning of the term equal, you changed the argument to whether equal protection of the law is possible. When I noted how equal protection is possible, you change the argument to original intent. Equal means equal - period. Equal protection of the law by definition precludes progressivism and another other totalitarian political economy - period.
This isn't a dance contest, if it were I'd be Michael Jackson and you'd Elaine from Seinfeld. Your argument is sophomoric at best. Equal can have several senses. In one, you treat everyone the same. In another, you treat similarly situated people the same. There's not a shred of evidence that the writers and ratifiers of the 14th Amendment understood the term as used in the EPC to mean the former and there's tons of evidence they did not (as I said, they had different taxes on different people based on income, excise taxes on some products but not others, protections for specific persons [such as seamen or widows] and not for others, etc.,).
So you don't have a textual or historical leg to stand on. Hard to dance in that situation.
Mr. W: Equal can have several senses. In one, you treat everyone the same. In another, you treat similarly situated people the same.
There is no need to choose between the two. When the government prohibits a harmful act, it achieves both ends. There's not a shred of evidence that the writers and ratifiers of the 14th Amendment understood the term as used in the EPC to mean the former. Once again, we are applying the term under its original public meaning, not the intent of one or more drafters or ratifiers. I would not be surprised if every single person who drafted or ratified the EPC personally supported one or more unequal protections of the law. Equality is arguably one of the most difficult principles of a liberal political economy to apply.
"There is no need to choose between the two."
That's ridiculous. To take a mundane example, when I, who want to treat my kids equally, want them to help take groceries into the house, I could make both my 16 year old and 5 year old lug the same type of bags in or I could make sure the older one gets heavier bags than the younger one. Likewise, when a government taxes, as it must, it can tax everyone in a different economic situation in one consistent way and everyone in a different one in another, distinct consistent way. Most reasonable people would see that to do the first approach would be a sophomoric understanding of 'equal.' "under its original public meaning" Both meanings were known at the time, and all the evidence points to that is how the ratifiers and writers understood it. Again, you haven't a leg to stand on. You want to force a radical re-understanding of this Constitutional provision to suit your particular political philosophy, *exactly* what you accuse your 'progressive' boogeymen of doing.
BD: "There is no need to choose between the two. When the government prohibits a harmful act, it achieves both ends.."
Mr. W: That's ridiculous. To take a mundane example, when I, who want to treat my kids equally, want them to help take groceries into the house, I could make both my 16 year old and 5 year old lug the same type of bags in or I could make sure the older one gets heavier bags than the younger one. Your hypo is not analogous to a prohibition of a harmful act. An analogy would be a rule forbidding your children from hitting one another. However, your hypo perfectly illustrates my point that government parental direction of our lives as if we were children is incompatible with equal protection of the law. Mr. W: Likewise, when a government taxes, as it must, it can tax everyone in a different economic situation in one consistent way and everyone in a different one in another, distinct consistent way. Nothing prohibits government from taxing ____ at the same rate for everyone. Governments do so every day.
Is an acting head of department a "principal officer" in the sense of the 25th Amendment, with a vote to suspend a incapable President from office? It's contestable, and the Amendment provides a remedy through Congressional votes; but the legal doubt adds an inhibition to others, and makes the procedure even less likely.
"Your hypo is not analogous to a prohibition of a harmful act"
No, your condition that we only consider prohibition of a harmful act is absurd because we are talking about *taxation* which is not a prohibition but a government *demand.* In taxation government *demands* a person *do* something. So my analogy is exactly apt. "Nothing prohibits government from taxing ____ at the same rate for everyone." Sure, but nothing in our Constitution mandates it and everything in our history indicates that deviations from this are acceptable. Again, you have no leg to stand on, textual or historical. You've offered nothing in either realm and are unable to refute what's been offered in both on the other side. You're just left with, as usual, trying to force your political philosophy undemocratically on the rest us via 'rewriting' the Constitution.
Apparently SPAM is of the view that the 16th A (1913) is unconstitutional because it violates an earlier A's "equal protection" clause.
BD: "There is no need to choose between the two. When the government prohibits a harmful act, it achieves both ends.."
Mr. W: That's ridiculous. To take a mundane example, when I, who want to treat my kids equally, want them to help take groceries into the house, I could make both my 16 year old and 5 year old lug the same type of bags in or I could make sure the older one gets heavier bags than the younger one.BD: BD: "Your hypo is not analogous to a prohibition of a harmful act" Mr. W: No, your condition that we only consider prohibition of a harmful act is absurd because we are talking about *taxation* which is not a prohibition but a government *demand.* In taxation government *demands* a person *do* something. So my analogy is exactly apt. We were discussing substantive law. You are attempting to change the subject again. Your hypo was in no way analogous to taxation. A fair analogy to taxation would be you taking some or all of your kids earnings to support the family. BD: "Nothing prohibits government from taxing ____ at the same rate for everyone." Mr. W: : Sure, but nothing in our Constitution mandates it and everything in our history indicates that deviations from this are acceptable. In what possible way is the government taxing the earnings of Richie Rich at a higher rate than Mildred Middle Class "equal." Please do not offer the old progressive shibboleth that earnings between $___ and $___ are taxed the same. Earnings are earnings. The socialists and fascists stated purpose in imposing a progressive income tax was to redistribute wealth (aka theft). In their more honest moments, progressives will admit the same.
Shag: Apparently SPAM is of the view that the 16th A (1913) is unconstitutional because it violates an earlier A's "equal protection" clause.
When applied as written, the 16A and equal protection of the laws compel a flat tax on all earnings without credits and deductions.
"Your hypo was in no way analogous to taxation."
Nope. In my hypo I ask all in my family to contribute, same with taxation. I consider my kids equal, government must do the same. But of course that's not understood sophomorically, I ask those with more capabilities to do 'more.' "A fair analogy to taxation would be you taking some or all of your kids earnings to support the family." Ah, the great thing is you lose here even on your own incorrect terms. If I ask my 18 year old daughter to contribute 10% of the income from her 20,000 a year job and my 5 year old daughter to contribute 1% of her 'income' in 'good grades allowance' (20 dollars per 9 week term) am I treating them 'unequally?' I think most people realize I'm asking them to equally contribute to the family, but recognizing that the 1% of 20 dollars to a kid with no other means is comparable to 10% of 20,0000 dollars for a kid with much more means. "In what possible way is the government taxing the earnings of Richie Rich at a higher rate than Mildred Middle Class "equal."" I just explained this.
"I don't know why you keep trying to change the subject to this."
You think there's no connection between the Senate letting nominees languish without votes, (Note, they're entitled to do that, doesn't imply they should.) and an administration resorting to acting officials? I'm not saying it's the ideal response, but it's a response. So, no, I'm not changing the subject. If the Senate were acting promptly on non-judicial nominations, I expect Trump wouldn't be so eager to resort to acting officials.
A government sets a toll of 50 cents on two axle vehicles and a 1.10 on four or more axle vehicles.
Under your sophomoric logic the EPC would prevent this (after all, it treats people in two kinds of situations (1. those with two axle vehicles and those with four or more) unequally). A government places an excise tax on alcohol sales but not soda sales. Under your sophomoric logic the EPC would prevent this (after all, it treats people in two kinds of situations (1. those selling alcohol and those selling soda) unequally). A government places different protections and exemptions on seamen than it does bricklayers. Under your sophomoric logic the EPC would prevent this (after all, it treats people in two kinds of situations (1. those working as seaman and those working as bricklayers) unequally). And a government that lays a different rate of tax on people who make X amount than people that make Y is the same. Of course these examples show 1. how ridiculous your argument is (just as those who sell alcohol and those selling soda (etc.,) are differently situated, so it the person who makes x vs. y and 2. how unsupported by history and tradition your argument is (every distinction I pointed to was existent at the time of writing and ratification of the 14th). Again, Bart is just trying to do exactly what he accuses his political opponents of. Every accusation is a confession with him, as he ignores history and meaning to try to force his current political philosophy on top of democratic majorities via rewriting the Constitution.
Mr. W: If I ask my 18 year old daughter to contribute 10% of the income from her 20,000 a year job and my 5 year old daughter to contribute 1% of her 'income' in 'good grades allowance' (20 dollars per 9 week term) am I treating them 'unequally?'
Without any doubt. I think most people realize I'm asking them to equally contribute to the family, but recognizing that the 1% of 20 dollars to a kid with no other means is comparable to 10% of 20,0000 dollars for a kid with much more means. No. You are offering the reason why you treat your children unequally. A government sets a toll of 50 cents on two axle vehicles and a 1.10 on four or more axle vehicles. Depends on the purpose. If the tolls are used to compensate the government for the damage to the public roads caused by different size vehicles and are proportional to that purpose, then there is no equal protection problem. If the tolls are meant to raise general revenue, they violate equal protection. A government places different protections and exemptions on seamen than it does bricklayers. Under your sophomoric logic the EPC would prevent this (after all, it treats people in two kinds of situations). Correct. The government has no business providing protections or exemptions to anyone based on their employment, in part, because it violates equal protection of the laws. Yet another excellent example of why equal protection prohibits government direction of our economy.
"Without any doubt."
That's a ridiculously simplistic and literalistic understanding that almost no one else accepts. "If the tolls are used to compensate the government for the damage to the public roads caused by different size vehicles and are proportional to that purpose, then there is no equal protection problem." How is that? If the government can treat people differently based on their different situations re damaging public roads then they can treat them differently on other criteria. I mean, my taking into account the differential ability of my two kids is unequal, but my taking into account the differential potential damage to the roads is not? You keep stacking your assumptions over each other in Jenga like fashion. "Correct." And yet from the beginning of our Republic and through the period the EPC was passed such laws existed and were well known...No one thought this violated equal protection. Your proposal is a radical, a-textual, a-historical reading of your politics into the Constitution to overcome democratic majorities. Every accusation from you is a confession.
"You think there's no connection between the Senate letting nominees languish without votes, (Note, they're entitled to do that, doesn't imply they should.) and an administration resorting to acting officials?"
That's not the reason Trump is using acting officials. He told us just the other day why he's doing that: he thinks it's better for him. Your explanation also doesn't make sense in light of the facts. Most of the acting officials occupy positions to which Trump has failed to nominate anyone (or failed to so for quite a while).
Mr. W: That's a ridiculously simplistic and literalistic understanding that almost no one else accepts.
You are confusing treating everyone equally under the law and your own personal concept of equity. They are not remotely the same things. BD: "If the tolls are used to compensate the government for the damage to the public roads caused by different size vehicles and are proportional to that purpose, then there is no equal protection problem." Mr. W: How is that? The distinction between compensation and taxes to support public goods. In the former case, an individual is compensating the government for the damages she caused. This really is not a tax at all. In the latter case, taxes to support public goods should treat everyone the same. And yet from the beginning of our Republic and through the period the EPC was passed such laws existed and were well known...No one thought this violated equal protection. The fact we have a poor history of providing equal protection of the law does not mean equal means anything else than equal. You are simply citing past failures to provide equal protection to excuse present and future ones.
I wish to preserve this "classick" [sic] comment by SPAM:
*** Shag: Apparently SPAM is of the view that the 16th A (1913) is unconstitutional because it violates an earlier A's "equal protection" clause. When applied as written, the 16A and equal protection of the laws compel a flat tax on all earnings without credits and deductions. # posted by Blogger Bart DePalma : 11:58 AM *** Maybe some originalists over at the Originalism Blog may provide cover for SPAM.
Brett apparently construes Article II's "take care" clause to mean "take care" of Trump personally (but not necessarily other presidents).
Shag:
The 16A does not provide for unequal income tax rates and the EPC does not preclude an income tax. The combination of the two require equal rates of income taxation.
SPAM is thus challenging the constitutional validity of federal income tax laws since the 16th A was ratified, including differing rates, credits and deductions. Perhaps SPAM will raise his constitutional challenges aiming for cert to get before the Roberts Court.
Shag:
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The Supremes long ago rubber stamped the myriad of EP violations in our tax code. As with most "conservative" jurists, Roberts is not about to revisit this precedent to enforce the Constitution as written.
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Books by Balkinization Bloggers Linda C. McClain and Aziza Ahmed, The Routledge Companion to Gender and COVID-19 (Routledge, 2024) David Pozen, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford University Press, 2024) Jack M. Balkin, Memory and Authority: The Uses of History in Constitutional Interpretation (Yale University Press, 2024) Mark A. Graber, Punish Treason, Reward Loyalty: The Forgotten Goals of Constitutional Reform after the Civil War (University of Kansas Press, 2023) Jack M. Balkin, What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Most Controversial Decision - Revised Edition (NYU Press, 2023) Andrew Koppelman, Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed (St. Martin’s Press, 2022) Gerard N. Magliocca, Washington's Heir: The Life of Justice Bushrod Washington (Oxford University Press, 2022) Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugaric, Power to the People: Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism (Oxford University Press 2021). Mark Philip Bradley and Mary L. Dudziak, eds., Making the Forever War: Marilyn B. Young on the Culture and Politics of American Militarism Culture and Politics in the Cold War and Beyond (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021). Jack M. Balkin, What Obergefell v. Hodges Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Same-Sex Marriage Decision (Yale University Press, 2020) Frank Pasquale, New Laws of Robotics: Defending Human Expertise in the Age of AI (Belknap Press, 2020) Jack M. Balkin, The Cycles of Constitutional Time (Oxford University Press, 2020) Mark Tushnet, Taking Back the Constitution: Activist Judges and the Next Age of American Law (Yale University Press 2020). Andrew Koppelman, Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty?: The Unnecessary Conflict (Oxford University Press, 2020) Ezekiel J Emanuel and Abbe R. Gluck, The Trillion Dollar Revolution: How the Affordable Care Act Transformed Politics, Law, and Health Care in America (PublicAffairs, 2020) Linda C. McClain, Who's the Bigot?: Learning from Conflicts over Marriage and Civil Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2020) Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin, Democracy and Dysfunction (University of Chicago Press, 2019) Sanford Levinson, Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies (Duke University Press 2018) Mark A. Graber, Sanford Levinson, and Mark Tushnet, eds., Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? (Oxford University Press 2018) Gerard Magliocca, The Heart of the Constitution: How the Bill of Rights became the Bill of Rights (Oxford University Press, 2018) Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson, Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today (Peachtree Publishers, 2017) Brian Z. Tamanaha, A Realistic Theory of Law (Cambridge University Press 2017) Sanford Levinson, Nullification and Secession in Modern Constitutional Thought (University Press of Kansas 2016) Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading The Federalist in the 21st Century (Yale University Press 2015) Stephen M. Griffin, Broken Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform (University Press of Kansas, 2015) Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information (Harvard University Press, 2015) Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard University Press, 2014) Balkinization Symposium on We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution Joseph Fishkin, Bottlenecks: A New Theory of Equal Opportunity (Oxford University Press, 2014) Mark A. Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism (Oxford University Press, 2013) John Mikhail, Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls' Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgment (Cambridge University Press, 2013) Gerard N. Magliocca, American Founding Son: John Bingham and the Invention of the Fourteenth Amendment (New York University Press, 2013) Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |