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Should Dual Sovereignty Apply to the Territories, Independently of How the Court Treats Puerto Rico in Sanchez Valle?
Rick Pildes
A taken-for-granted premise of the discussion at today’s
argument in the Puerto Rico case is that the dual-sovereignty doctrine does not
apply in the conventional territories (the American Virgin Islands, Guam,
etc).The Court has indeed made that
statement, in dicta, in several cases.Starting from that initial premise, the question in Sanchez Valle is whether the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is
different.I had taken that premise for
granted, as well, until I was prodded by this case to look into it more deeply.
It
turns out that, as far as I know, there is only one Supreme Court case that has
actually held that dual sovereignty did not apply to a second prosecution in
one of the territories.That case is Grafton v. United States, 206 U.S. 333
(1907).Grafton features prominently in all the briefs (the United States
cites it five times) and in today’s argument.But when I sat down to read Grafton,
it turns out to be a remarkably easy case for not applying dual sovereignty
and does not have, or need not have, any general implications for dual
sovereignty and the territories. Grafton, a private in the US Army, was first prosecuted before a general
court-martial in the Philippines – essentially, for homicide “as defined by the
Penal Code of the Philippines” -- and was acquitted.He was then prosecuted in the Philippine
courts for the same offense.But back in
1907, this second prosecution was also brought in the name of the United States.As the Court recounted:“On the twenty-eighth
day of November, 1904, the prosecuting attorney of the Province of Iloilo,
Philippine Islands, filed a criminal information or complaint in the name of
the United States, in the Court of First Instance of that Province …” Id. at 342.Indeed, to appreciate this fact fully, just take a look at the name of
the Grafton case before the United
States Supreme Court:it is Grafton v. United States.In other words, if ever there were a case in which
it is a single sovereign prosecuting twice for the same offense, it is Grafton – first the US Army, then the
United States.Of course dual
sovereignty does not apply in that context.
But there
is more about Grafton that reveals
its age.For the United States exercised
a kind of pervasive political control over the territories, so soon after we
came to hold them after the Spanish American War, than what has come to be the
case in the modern era.For example, the
chief executive authority for the Philippines, the Governor General, was
appointed by the President of the United States and confirmed by the
Senate.Today, the territories, even
apart from Puerto Rico, elect their own legislatures and political officials
and appoint their own judges.
Since Grafton, the Supreme Court has cited Grafton and stated several times in
dicta that dual sovereignty does not apply to the territories, but never in
case in which this was the holding or in which anything in the outcome turned
on that statement.One of the more
significant, Puerto Rico v. Shell Oil,
302 U.S. 253 (1937), was a preemption case, not a double jeopardy one.But again, even in 1937, the extent of US
control over Puerto Rico is stunning, from today’s vantage point.Puerto Rico had to submit its laws to
Congress, which had the power to annul them.The President, with Senate approval, continued to appoint the
Governor.
As the
only case ever to confront squarely whether dual sovereignty should apply to
the territories, Grafton is an
exceptional and antiquated case to bear so much weight.In more than a century since, the Court has
never focused on or addressed the question whether Grafton ought to continue to stand for the principle that dual
sovereignty can never apply in the territories, even when so much has changed
in the extent to which many or all of the territories now exercise a form of self-government that did not exist in 1907. Indeed, the consequences to the United States today if dual sovereignty does not apply, especially in Puerto Rico, would seem to be troubling. If Puerto Rico prosecutes first, the United States would then be shut out of prosecuting the same offense under federal law. And the executive branch of the United States today cannot stop or control or intervene in a Puerto Rico prosecution under Puerto Rico law in the Puerto Rico courts. Given the legal framework created by the laws that establish the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, Congress would have to re-write those laws (assuming, for the sake of argument, it has the power to do so) to permit the United States to control Puerto Rican prosecutions. The absence of dual sovereignty could easily lead to a race to the courthouse doors between federal and Puerto Rico prosecutors.
I do
not expect the Court to revisit Grafton in
the Puerto Rico case, because none of the parties have asked the Court to think
in more contemporary terms about these issues, given the degree of autonomous
self-governance even the conventional territories exercise.Nor is doing to necessary to conclude that
dual sovereignty applies in Puerto Rico.The Court has consistently recognized for many decades now (as many of
the Justices did at argument today) that Puerto Rico is “unique” compared to the
conventional territories, because Congress and Puerto Rico agreed to a
fundamental transformation in Puerto Rico’s status after WWII, when Puerto Rico
became the self-governing Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Even if dual sovereignty does not apply in the conventional territories, the Court can conclude that it does in Puerto Rico.
But it
would be helpful to thinking about these issues in the context of the modern
territories, even apart from Puerto Rico, if the Court, instead of unreflectively
repeating that Grafton establishes
dual sovereignty does not apply in the territories, recognized that it should
proceed cautiously going forward about putting so much weight on the
exceptional context of Grafton in
thinking about how dual sovereignty doctrine ought to apply in contemporary
circumstances.