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Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com
Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu
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Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu
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David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu
Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu
Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu
Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu
Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu
My colleague Donald Gifford
and Brian Jones from Villanova have just published a fascinating article on the
influence of race on tort law. Gifford,
the author of a leading casebook on tort law, and Jones perform an empirical
study of tort doctrine in American states which concludes that states that
signed up for the Confederacy and states whose juries have substantial African-American
representation are presently making best efforts to prevent as many torts cases
as possible from being resolved by juries.
We know from numerous comparative politics studies that increases in
access to the ballot in many regimes typically corresponds to decreases in the
issues actually resolved by democratically elected officials. Gifford and Jones in "Keeping Cases From Black Juries: An Empircal Analysis of How Race, Income Inequality, and Regional History Affect Tort Law" suggest the related concern
that increases in African-American representation on juries corresponds with
decreases in the cases judges are willing to have resolved by juries. The abstract for this highly recommended
paper is as follows:
This Article presents an empirical analysis of
how race, income inequality, the regional history of the South, and state
politics affect the development of tort law. Beginning in the mid-1960s, most
state appellate courts rejected doctrines such as contributory negligence that
traditionally prevented plaintiffs’ cases from reaching the jury. We examine
why some, mostly Southern states did not join this trend.
To enable
cross-state comparisons, we design an innovative Jury Access Denial Index
(JADI) that quantifies the extent to which each state’s tort doctrines enable
judges to dismiss cases before they reach the jury. We then conduct a
multivariate analysis that finds strong correlations between a state’s JADI and
two factors: (1) the percentage of African Americans in its largest cities, and
(2) its history as a former slave-holding state.
These
findings suggest that some appellate courts, particularly those in the South,
afraid that juries with substantial African-American representation would
redistribute wealth or retaliate for grievances, struck preemptively to prevent
cases from reaching them. Surprisingly, we do not find a consistent association
between a state’s JADI and either income inequality or its political leanings.
In other words, race and region, rather than economic class or politics,
explain the failure to embrace pro-plaintiff changes that occurred elsewhere.
We
suggest, therefore, that states that declined to discard antiquated anti-jury
substantive doctrines between the mid-1960s and the mid-1980s should
acknowledge that these precedents were tainted by their predecessors’ efforts
to keep tort cases from African-American jurors and refuse to accord them
deference.