E-mail:
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How the Decline of Trust led to Dysfunctional Government
Stephen Griffin
That is, in essence, the thesis of a new book I've written. Intended to be short and accessible, the University Press of Kansas is publishing it this fall in a series edited by Sandy and Jeff Tulis. I've just posted Chapter 1 ofBroken
Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform, to SSRN.Chapter 1 serves both as the introduction and begins the discussion by setting out my themes of the relationship of trust in
government to the constitutional order, understanding dysfunctional government
in terms of studying the aftermath of “policy disasters,” and whether and how we
should reform the Constitution.
Chapter
1 begins by establishing a framework, inspired by the work Madison did in
preparation for the Philadelphia Convention, for assessing claims that dysfunctional government justifies changing the
Constitution.It argues that although
the idea that our government is dysfunctional is quite plausible, it is much
harder than most assume to build a case that this dysfunction justifies
fundamental constitutional reform.Despite
this, the book assumes the burden of arguing that such fundamental reform is justified.However, I have an original take on how such
an argument can be made and so I go about this task differently from most of
the existing literature.In particular, although I have no quarrel
with the evidence of political polarization, at least among elites, I steer
clear of arguments about dysfunction based on polarization.I believe that the problem of trust in
government is more fundamental and relevant to the challenge of justifying
constitutional reform.
So
how to justify changing the Constitution, something most Americans
instinctively oppose?The book concentrates
on two related phenomena: the increasing occurrence of “policy disasters” –
policy outcomes that are in no one’s interest – and the long-term decline of
trust in the federal government.I argue
that we can better understand how these developments are related in
contemporary times by examining the experience of California and other western
states with “hybrid democracy” – a combination of Madisonian representative
government with direct democracy.Although
unpopular with constitutional scholars, hybrid democracy nonetheless offers
valuable lessons relevant to our contemporary difficulties with dysfunctional
government at the national level.These
lessons underpin the agenda for reform that I propose, emphasizing democratic
innovations aimed at producing both more effective government and greater trust
in our political institutions.
Ultimately,
I argue that dysfunctional government, along with the policy disasters it
engenders, is a product of the deep and persistent distrust in government.Put simply, effective government in the kind
of constitutional order we have today requires high trust in government or, at
least, higher trust than we have seen in many decades.Building that trust should be our common
project.