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Whose Faith Does RFRA Protect? Everyone’s, No One’s, Or Not Mine?
Priscilla Smith
One outcome of
tomorrow's Hobby Lobby case that this reproductive rights supporter might be able
to get behind involves granting the Hobby Lobby Executives an accommodation
from the Affordable Care Act’s contraceptive coverage requirements under an
expansive view of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA). I’ve written about this possibility in a
forthcoming articlehere. Under this view, it is the RFRA claimant, not
the court, who decides if something is a “substantial burden” on “religious
exercise” under RFRA. Counsel for the
University of Notre Dame promoted this view of RFRA in a recent Seventh Circuit
oral argument in a related case, stating “[i]t is up to the believer to draw
the line.” As Marty Lederman's excellent posts here revealing the lack of burden on Hobby Lobby Executives religious exercise should establish, in order to find for Hobby Lobby the Court needs to adopt this broad view of RFRA's protections.
This broad view
of RFRA’s protections, and the protections of state versions of RFRA, could
mean a glorious birth of freedom! Gone
would be draconian limits on reproductive choice, including the federal discriminatory
abortion funding ban (aka the “Hyde Amendment”), limits on sexual expression,
limits on drug possession and drug use, requirements of service on juries,
requirements that certain taxes be paid and census questions answered, and
limitations on who and how many one may marry.
Previous Supreme
Court jurisprudence would seem to require this outcome. After all, as the Court noted in Employment Division v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872 (1990),the First Amendment prohibits judicial
review of the “centrality” of conduct to an individual’s religion, the
“relative merits of differing religious claims,” or “the determin[ation] of the
place of a particular belief in a religion or the plausibility of a religious
claim.”[1]
RFRA’s requirement that courts determine
whether a burden on “religious exercise” is “substantial,”[2]
requires the same sort of judicial review of religious tenets the Smith Court recognized as precluded by
the Establishment Clause.[3]
Why avoid judicial
evaluation of the relative burdens of secular rules on “religious exercise”? In Smith,
Justice Scalia explained the hands-off approach with reference to Justice
Stevens’ explanation that this type of judicial evaluation of religious tenets
would create “the risk that governmental approval of some and disapproval
of others will be perceived as favoring one religion over another.”[4]
This realization
left the Court in an untenable position. On the one hand, courts can’t inquire
into centrality because of the risk of creating a widespread perception of
favoritism that will lead to internecine conflicts between individuals of
different faiths and faith traditions.
On the other hand, “[d]ispensing with a ‘centrality’ inquiry is utterly
unworkable.”[5]
It would require courts to equate
burdens on throwing rice at church weddings to burdens on getting married in
church. Id. Faced
with this all or nothing approach to religious accommodation in Smith, the Court chose nothing and left
individual assessments to Congress.
By reimposing on
courts the strict scrutiny test rejected in Smith,
Congress has put the Court into the same untenable position it faced in Smith.
The Court can choose “nothing” again, insisting that conducting these
determinations is beyond the “judicial ken.”
It could choose “all,” deferring to the plaintiffs' characterization of
religious “exercise” and the “substantiality” of burden, as the Notre Dame
counsel urged. Or it could, as I expect
it to, claim to be evaluating the
substantiality of the burden in this case but in practice conduct no real
evaluation at all, ignoring its earlier warnings about the discriminatory
results that have occurred under this standard and are likely to occur again in
the future.
As I said above,
I might welcome an expansive RFRA, one that would accept religious claims
supporting reproductive and sexual freedoms as much as it accepts religious
claims opposing reproductive and sexual freedoms—one where the individual’s
conscience would rule. But the Court itself
already admittedin Smith that it can not apply the
unbounded RFRA test fairly, equitably, or in a manner in accordance with the
Establishment Clause.
The more likely
result is a broad and protective RFRA for some, those with religious exercise
claims the judges understand, and a weak RFRA for the rest of us, creating
exactly the Establishment Clause problem the Court warned of in Smith.
Priscilla
Smith is the Director and Senior Fellow of the Program for the Study of
Reproductive Justice in the Information Society Project at Yale Law School.
[1] Smith, 494 U.S. at 887;
id. at 886 (“nor is it possible to
limit the impact of respondents’ proposal by requiring a ‘compelling state
interest’ only when the conduct prohibited is ‘central’ to the individual’s
religion”).
[3]Smith, 494 U.S. at 887 (equating evaluation of centrality with,
inter alia, substantiality) (citing United States v. Lee, 455 U.S. 252, 263 n.2
(1982) (Stevens, J., concurrence); Id. at 889 n.5; See also Priscilla J. Smith, Who Decides Conscience? RFRA’s
Catch 22, -- Brooklyn J. Law &
Policy – (forthcoming 2014);
Samuel J. Levine, Rethinking the Supreme Court's Hands-Off Approach to Questions of
Religious Practice and Belief, 25 Fordham
Urban Law Journal 85, 122-23 (1997) (RFRA’s substantial burden test
“appear[s] to require courts to engage in the kind of investigation into
religious beliefs that Supreme Court Justices have increasingly and nearly
uniformly rejected”).
[4] United States v. Lee, 455 U.S. 252, 263 n.2, (1982)
(Stevens, J., concurring). See also Smith, 494 U.S. at 887
(discussing “unacceptable ‘business of evaluating the relative merits of
differing religious claims’”) (quoting United
States v. Lee).