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Balkinization
Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts The Senate is not now and never has been "democratic"
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Tuesday, January 14, 2014
The Senate is not now and never has been "democratic"
Sandy Levinson
My latest missive on Al Jazeera online chastises the editorial page of the New York Times and others who declared that the very limited abolition of the filibuster in November has "returned the Senate to democracy." A moments thought reveals that the Senate was never intended to be "democratic" if that is taken to mean roughly representative of the American population as a whole (as the House arguably is, putting partisan gerrymandering to one side and would certainly be the case if we modified our exclusive reliance on single-member geographical districts). Perhaps there is something to be said for the Senate--though I am skeptical--but its "democratic" nature isn't one of them.
Comments:
"Perhaps there is something to be said for the Senate"
Not much in my opinion, and I have always vastly appreciated Mr. Levinson's willingness to say that.
I think giving a smaller body certain roles (like dealing with appointments and such) something to be said for the Senate. But, I'd prefer Madison's original preference as to apportionment there.
Sometimes, words are a matter of degree. It's a bit more democratic.
The 17th amendment turned the Senate, which was supposed to be the states' lever over the actions of the federation they were joining, into nothing more than a particularly arrogant and ill apportioned House. About the only distinct purpose it serves today, is that by requiring legislation to pass two bodies, it becomes a little harder to pass it so fast that the public has no time to protest it.
I would prefer that the Senate be returned to its original role, of the states' lever over the federal government. However, we already know from the history of the Senate prior to the 17th amendment that simply repealing the 17th would mean little. I really like the proposal, which has surfaced from time to time, of replacing the Senate with a body composed of the assembled state Governors. The "Saucer to cool the tea" function could be achieved in some other way, such as requiring votes before and after an election to pass legislation without a supermajority, or adding a body whose only job is to repeal ill advised laws. Much as I object to Sandy's regular shtick of attributing the consequences of an abysmal political class to a Constitution they largely ignore, there is no question the Constitution could stand some improvements in light of 200 years of experience with it.
I should add that the reason you'd want another mechanism for delaying laws if you went to the body of Governors approach, is that they really wouldn't have the time for doing the whole legislative job, just the parts reserved to the Senate, appointments and treaties.
Underlying this post and Sandy's op-ed are the matter of political dysfunction and the extent to which the Constitution may contribute to such dysfunction (assuming that there is indeed political dysfunction). This was the topic of the Conference at BU Law School on Nov. 15-16, 2013. (I provided comments on certain portions of the Conference at one or more posts at this Blog including the closing panel that included Sandy. I did not note any consensus on whether or not there was political dysfunction, and further if there were political dysfunction, whether or not the Constitution contributes to it.)
BU Prof. Gary Lawson, on the same panel with Sandy, has made available his paper "One(?) Nation Over-Extended" via SSRN A link is provided at Larry Solum's Legal theory Blog. The note on the author includes this: "I am especially grateful to Sandy Levinson for his characteristically incisive thoughts and suggestions." After reading the paper, based upon upon my recollections of Sandy's several posts at this Blog on political dysfunction, I wondered if Prof. Lawson's paper reflects Sandy's views beyond the title. I have not seen Sandy's paper for this panel of the Conference and do not know if it is available via the Internet as yet to compare with Prof. Lawson's paper. Prof. Lawson's paper is a relatively short 22 pages double-spaced that is a fairly quick read. Prof. Lawson comes close to describing himself as "an anarcho-libertarian" and notes that "One person's dysfunction is another person's success."
"he 17th amendment turned the Senate, which was supposed to be the states' lever over the actions of the federation they were joining, into nothing more than a particularly arrogant and ill apportioned House."
One has to wonder why someone who is usually an anti-elitist thinks that career pols like those in every statehouse are better served to divine the interests of each state than the actual people of each state.
Mr. W, Brett is not an "anti-elitist" as he reveres the antebellum Constitution, as noted by Brett in an earlier comment:
"I would prefer that the Senate be returned to its original role, ..." which served the interests of chattel-propertied white men.
I still find the argument put forth by Brett wrong-minded.
It would have more force if state legislatures had actual power to control senators directly. They did not. State legislatures, who are elected by the same people who elect senators today, appointed the senators. This is seen by looking at the Lincoln-Douglas debates. Did they appeal to the legislature? No. They appealed to the people who voted for the legislature. What difference of "lever" existed in 1910 and 1920? Originally, the Senate partially was seen as a more elite house, some states for example having higher property requirements or the idea a more elite group would be chosen. But, over time, such requirements went away. Also, in time, the people started to push for a direct right to elect senators. This was already starting to happen before the 17A. Unless it was blocked by amendment, it would have continued. The 17A largely merely sped up something that would happen anyway. It also was ratified because repeatedly senators -- helped by smaller bodies of electors -- were more controlled by special interests. The Senate still represents states as a whole. Each state has two senators. It is smaller and more mal-apportioned as to population. They are not just like the House. But, even if state legislatures picked them, they would probably mostly act the same way as they do today, especially since again, unless blocked, state populations would have pressed to make the legislative vote pro forma. The idea is posed to have state governors pick senators, as if this isn't a country but a coalition of states. This anti-Federalist approach seems to think improvement requires going back instead of forward after 200 years. I think the federalist republican approach better. The people from each state elect both state and federal officials. Let's make them per Madison apportioned by population. The Senate will have various functions such as appointments, ratifying treaties, trying impeachments etc.
The Senate was designed to be democratic by geography so that states would not dominate by population.
Population proportionality is not the only measure of democracy.
Democracy: Middle French democratie, from Late Latin democratia, from Greek dēmokratia, from dēmos + -kratia -cracy (people + power)
It is nonsensical to talk about democratic by geography. If you think rocks, and trees and rivers should have the franchise maybe the word you are looking for is Gaiacracy.
I will probably do a full-scale post about Gary's paper, but let me say for now that I think it is a profoundly important question that he raises: Is the United States simply too big to be effectively governed, so that one response is to support the breakup of the U.S. into smaller (and presumably more governable) units? (It is obvious that federalism has failed to square the circle of "dual sovereignty" as a mechanism of effective governability.)
We tend not to take secession seriously as a political or theoretical issue, given, of course, the dismal background of the 1861 venture in secession. But consider that Scotland will be voting later this year on undoing the 1707 Treaty of Union, and there are other secessionist movements literally all over the world. Gary's essay is very much worth reading and thinking about.
The current Hong Kong electoral system is best described corporatist or perhaps fascist if the term weren't so loaded. Half the seats in the legislature are elected by universal suffrage in (unequal size) geographical constituencies, while the other half are selected by various functional constituencies -- i.e. industry groups, labor groups, professional regulatory groups, and so on.
The representatives of the functional groups are picked by people -- not computers or dogs or lots -- so would it make sense to call that portion of the system "democratic by sectors of society"? That's certainly how the government of China wishes to frame it, they talk of a "broadly representative" body.
Mr. W has it.
The House and Senate are both democratically chosen. The debate is between proportional and geographic apportionment of the elected representatives.
I thank Sandy for his limited comments on Prof. Lawson's paper. I agree that Prof. Lawson's discussion on secession is excellent, including the situation involving 5 CO counties in their efforts to secede.
Whether America is too big to govern is worthwhile raising. Perhaps such a discussion may lead to finding better ways to govern a big America and maintaining its best features both domestically and internationally. Unfortunately Prof. Lawson's several maps of how America might be broken up were not included with the SSRN download. If a serious discussion were to conclude that a physical breakup would be in the interests of American values, there would be difficult issues of fairness and justice. With such a breakup, might there then be a Second Articles of Confederation, including to address international issues in this globalization age with armed flare-ups. Hopefully any breakup would not return those many decades of racial divides. So maybe Prof. Lawson's paper will start a serious discussion that just might conclude that there is indeed political dysfunction. My reservations with Prof. Lawson's paper are that he seems to avoid squarely addressing such dysfunction's existence currently. I look forward to Sandy's full-scale post on Prof. Lawson's paper. I also look forward to Sandy's paper for the Conference..
Bart,
The debate is over whether the Senate itself is democratic, not whether individual Senate elections are. That is why it seems to me your point about the latter seems unhelpful to answering the former.
The thought came to me that America, like certain banks, may be too big to fail. A break up of America would not be quite the same as the Soviet collapse. Maybe the breakup could be a variation on the EU, with the assumed benefit that all speak the same language. Schumpeter's "creative destructionism" may play a part. Imagine, "four (or five?) nations under God." But might God play favorites? Imagine four (or five?) constitutions and how they might differ. Imagine how four (or five?) breakup nations might address environmental matters, natural disasters, etc. Maybe imagining these and other issues attending a breakup into four (or five?) nations just might pull Americans together to make sure America can be governed well. Imagine.
Imagine four (or five?) breakup American nations and their separate immigration laws, possibly serving as barriers between people in such nations including border controls. And imagine how citizenship in one such nation might not be recognized in one or more of the other such nations. Imagine.
Imagine four (or five?) breakup American nations and how each may treat foreign commerce between those nations. Imagine how one or more of such nations may address the declaration of war against one or more of such nations. Imagine whether the decisions of SCOTUS would be honored by such nations' courts. Imagine.
Imagine if one or more of four (or five?) American breakup nations had a constitution that specifically prohibited political parties. [It has been said that our framers/adopters did not anticipate political parties such developed shortly thereafter.] Imagine how the constitutions of such nations might vary from our Constitution because of supposed lessons learned over the past 200+ years, as well as vary from each other. Imagine.
Imagine four (or five?) breakup American nations contemplating/confronting the role of originalism in the constitutions they adopt, including originalism with respect to provisions in our Constitution that may be replicated therein. Imagine.
Speaking of originalism (as I often do), Jack Balkin's January 14, 2014 draft "Why Are Americans Originalist?" is a must read. A link to it is available at Eric Posner's blog that includes his comments on it. The paper is 29 pabes in length that includes 5 pages of Bibliography. The absence of footnotes makes it a quick read. Part VIII "Academic Originalism" (pp 19-23) is quite revealing But the entire article deserves a careful read. (To me, this article reads as complementary to Jack's "The New Originalism and the Uses of History" published in the Fordham Law Review last year.) I expect some in legal academia may be smarting from Jack's treatment in part VIII.
For those who browse Larry Solum's great Legal Theory Blog, a link is provided to Jack Balkin's new article, with the editorial "Highly Recommended. Download it while it's hot." As I suggested in an earlier comment, some in legal academia may find it hot - to handle.
Jack Balkin finally provides a link to his new article at this Blog with a simple opening that is quite modest concerning the aim of his paper:
" ... an attempt to explain to non-Americans ..." Perhaps some Americans who believe in originalism may question why they do after reading his paper.
In Jack Balkin's recent paper, in part VIII "Academic Originalism" at page 21, first complete paragraph, lists various types of originalism developed in the legal academy, then stating:
"Academic originalism offereed itself as a theory for correct judging, and, in some versions, as the one true and legitimate way to interpret the Constitution. It therefore became as much legal theology as legal science, and like other theologies, it is likely to split and fracture into multiple versions as different members of the faithful express their disagreements with each other. Moreover, the dialectical nature of the American legal academy virtually ensured that there would be no easy consensus on the merits of originalism, or on which form of originalism was the correct one." I'm not part of the American legal academy with its "dialectical nature," but I wonder if it is sort of a Tower of Babel despite (or due to?) common language.
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This was already starting to happen before the 17A. Unless it was blocked by amendment, it would have continued. The 17A largely merely sped up something that would happen anyway. It also was ratified because repeatedly senators -- helped by smaller bodies of electors -- were more controlled by special interests.
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A link to it is available at Eric Posner's blog that includes his comments on it. The paper is 29 pabes in length that includes 5 pages of Bibliography. The absence of footnotes makes it a quick read. Part VIII "Academic Originalism"
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Books by Balkinization Bloggers Linda C. McClain and Aziza Ahmed, The Routledge Companion to Gender and COVID-19 (Routledge, 2024) David Pozen, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford University Press, 2024) Jack M. Balkin, Memory and Authority: The Uses of History in Constitutional Interpretation (Yale University Press, 2024) Mark A. Graber, Punish Treason, Reward Loyalty: The Forgotten Goals of Constitutional Reform after the Civil War (University of Kansas Press, 2023) Jack M. Balkin, What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Most Controversial Decision - Revised Edition (NYU Press, 2023) Andrew Koppelman, Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed (St. Martin’s Press, 2022) Gerard N. Magliocca, Washington's Heir: The Life of Justice Bushrod Washington (Oxford University Press, 2022) Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugaric, Power to the People: Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism (Oxford University Press 2021). Mark Philip Bradley and Mary L. Dudziak, eds., Making the Forever War: Marilyn B. Young on the Culture and Politics of American Militarism Culture and Politics in the Cold War and Beyond (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021). Jack M. Balkin, What Obergefell v. Hodges Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Same-Sex Marriage Decision (Yale University Press, 2020) Frank Pasquale, New Laws of Robotics: Defending Human Expertise in the Age of AI (Belknap Press, 2020) Jack M. Balkin, The Cycles of Constitutional Time (Oxford University Press, 2020) Mark Tushnet, Taking Back the Constitution: Activist Judges and the Next Age of American Law (Yale University Press 2020). Andrew Koppelman, Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty?: The Unnecessary Conflict (Oxford University Press, 2020) Ezekiel J Emanuel and Abbe R. Gluck, The Trillion Dollar Revolution: How the Affordable Care Act Transformed Politics, Law, and Health Care in America (PublicAffairs, 2020) Linda C. McClain, Who's the Bigot?: Learning from Conflicts over Marriage and Civil Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2020) Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin, Democracy and Dysfunction (University of Chicago Press, 2019) Sanford Levinson, Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies (Duke University Press 2018) Mark A. Graber, Sanford Levinson, and Mark Tushnet, eds., Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? (Oxford University Press 2018) Gerard Magliocca, The Heart of the Constitution: How the Bill of Rights became the Bill of Rights (Oxford University Press, 2018) Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson, Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today (Peachtree Publishers, 2017) Brian Z. Tamanaha, A Realistic Theory of Law (Cambridge University Press 2017) Sanford Levinson, Nullification and Secession in Modern Constitutional Thought (University Press of Kansas 2016) Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading The Federalist in the 21st Century (Yale University Press 2015) Stephen M. Griffin, Broken Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform (University Press of Kansas, 2015) Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information (Harvard University Press, 2015) Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard University Press, 2014) Balkinization Symposium on We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution Joseph Fishkin, Bottlenecks: A New Theory of Equal Opportunity (Oxford University Press, 2014) Mark A. Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism (Oxford University Press, 2013) John Mikhail, Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls' Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgment (Cambridge University Press, 2013) Gerard N. Magliocca, American Founding Son: John Bingham and the Invention of the Fourteenth Amendment (New York University Press, 2013) Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |