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Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts A brief comment on Justice Kennedy's opinion in Windsor
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Wednesday, June 26, 2013
A brief comment on Justice Kennedy's opinion in Windsor
Sandy Levinson
Comments:
So, the questions remains, did Justice Kennedy tie or untie the Windsor Knot? Justice "Scowlia" makes a prediction in his dissent.
The price paid by the left four to get Kennedy's vote was to join one of his metaphysical, law-free opinions on human dignity, a principle that only seems to exist in the alternative penumbral constitution of judicial imagination.
What Kennedy human dignity opinions lack in legal coherence, though, they more than make up in the entertainment value of particularly eviscerating Scalia dissents.
Justice "Scowlia's" dissent demonstrates his slippery slope predictions going back to Lawrence evolving. See Ruth Marcus' WaPo column today hoping that he continues predictive with his DOMA dissent.
Kennedy has wrote three gay rights cases so far. Two of them was given to him by Stevens. He probably would have gotten it anyway.
I think the complaints about the opaque nature of the ruling is overblown. He's an easy target but what about a case like Heller? Not a fan of it, are you? It clearly is a compromise job. Skips over a thing or two. The ruling made sense -- even the four others, including Ginsburg with her concerns that Roe rushed things, didn't want to go further. So, the state part made sense. Even gay activists have focused on that and specifically chose the issue since it is a moderate approach. They were more leery about Prop 8
Shag:
Justice Scalia's slippery slope predictions in this area of anti-democratic penumbral law have been spot on.
Blankshot, remember when you used to crow about how gay marriage has never won a popular vote. Those were good times, weren't they? Now your side has to hope that young people don't notice that you're a bunch of homophobic bigots. Good times, indeed...
BB:
It is true that Maine voters approved a SSM initiative. This is how the redefining civil marriage should be handled in a democratic Republic.
Blankshot, the voters don't have an unrestricted right to discriminate against people. The Courts are supposed to protect minorities from that sort of abuse.
Good luck selling your homophobia to young voters!
BB: The Courts are supposed to protect minorities from that sort of abuse.
Courts are supposed to protect our liberties and enforce the law as written. Courts are most certainly not here to rewrite the law to impose the preferred policies of themselves or electoral minorities.
Blankshot, the Courts are there to protect everyone's liberties, not just the liberties of bigoted religious fanatics like you.
By the way, your claim that the Courts are not in place to protect the liberties of electoral minorities is probably the most idiotic thing I have ever seen you post, and you have posted a lot of really idiotic shit. In fact, the ONLY rights the Court needs to protect are those of electoral minorities. Electoral majorities, by definition, don't need anyone to protect their rights.
BB:
This has nothing to do with liberty. Homosexual couples are perfectly free to go to the Universalist Unitarian church of their choice, exchange vows and rings, then proclaim themselves to the world as "married." The government will not persecute them. The issue here is whether society through their government should recognize and subsidize homosexual unions by redefining civil marriage to include them. That is the province of our democracy and not the courts.
Dumbfuck, lack of persecution is not the same as having equal rights, and here in the U S of A we sort of value the fact that everyone has equal rights. And equal rights are most definitely a province of the Courts.
Again, good luck selling your bigot act to the voters of the future!
BB:
Equal protection means that the law treats similarly situated people the same. Homosexual and heterosexual unions are not similarly situated for self evident reasons. SSM proponents attempt to create similar situation by reducing marriage down to a contract for government benefits between people in a loving relationship. However, proponents undermine their own equality argument by urging that courts should rewrite civil marriage laws to add homosexual unions, but none of the other loving polygamous, polymorous and incestuous relationships out there. Once again, whether society wants to redefine civil marriage to include homosexual unions in up to society through the democratic process and not the courts. If your "voters of the future" join with other voters to form a majority to enact this proposal, that is what democracy is all about.
Homosexual and heterosexual unions are not similarly situated for self evident reasons.
Not "self evident" to the Court, apparently. In fact, I'd say their unions are very similarly situated to yours.
I can't tell you how sorry I am that, once again, this discussion has been hi-jacked not so much by Mr. DePalma, whose initial comment struck me as well within any boundaries of civility, but by people, especially "Bartbuster," who seems incapable of truly serious conversation.
By the way, the fact that you still don't realize that he is nothing but a propaganda spewing troll says a lot about how seriously you should be taken.
Sandy:
I'm apologize to everyone for departing from my usual policy of ignoring my personal cyber stalker.
Bart, I agree with you that Kennedy's opinion (and his opinions in this are in general) leave him particularly open to the charge of "metaphysical, law free opinions on human dignity."
Having said that I think you're both missing and begging the question before the Court when you say things like "Courts are most certainly not here to rewrite the law", "Homosexual and heterosexual unions are not similarly situated" and "The issue here is whether society through their government should recognize and subsidize homosexual unions by redefining civil marriage to include them." The issue before the Court could more fairly be framed as whether the government in recognizing opposite sex marriage but not same sex marriage is violating existing law, namely the Equal Protection or Due Process Clauses. It's not self-evident that they are not similarly situated in a way relevant to that law, and finding that they are and invoking the law seems short of 'rewriting' it to me. Having said that, I personally found Alito's opinion, once stripped of its own metaphysical trappings about the profundity of opposite sex marriage, to be the more compelling of all the opinions.
We then have other cases with metaphysical appeals to state dignity.
Alito's trappings is an important part of the argument and removal would rob it of a basic force. Why after all did DOMA treat a specific change in marriage, as compared to others where the couples are more diverse in numbers like easy divorce laws (that lead to a form of "polygamy" in the eyes of some), differently? The conservative concern for changing the rules to fast would seem to invite the laboratory approach but the charm there, and this is but one aspect of Kennedy's opinion that is worthy of praise, is that we let the states alone to experiment with marriage. The feds didn't deny certain ones benefits. There was not even a DOMA to stop forcing states from having to recognize interracial marriages. Why change in DOMA? Kennedy's opinion rings true there.
Joe:
Neither federalism nor the states as "laboratories of democracy" argument on behalf of federalism should apply here. Congress is not unconstitutionally telling the states how they should define marriage. Rather, Congress is acting well within its Article I powers by determining to whom the federal government will extend recognition and benefits. Kennedy's opinion turns the Constitution's federal government into a confederacy where states determine to whom the national government will provide benefits in order to protect human dignity or some such metaphysical nonsense. I am looking forward to the day when a future president can replace a retiring Kennedy with his or her own Alito. As Sandy observed in his lead post, the left justices at least offer more intellectually coherent opinions when they rewrite the Constitution.
Rather, Congress is acting well within its Article I powers by determining to whom the federal government will extend recognition and benefits.
# posted by Bart DePalma : 12:53 PM Which it did in a discriminatory manner.
joe
I agree with you on the 'dignity of the states' doctrine. If Kennedy's dignity talk is nonsense, then the dignity of the states doctrine is nonsense on stilts. I think Alito's opinion can survive well without buying some of the trappings I mentioned. One doesn't need to accept the metaphysical argument about the 'essence' of marriage to see that it's at least a rational viewpoint common in the US and there is a vigorous debate on the matter. Absent a clear directive from the Constitution I don't think a Court should wade into those waters, but then again I'm pretty big on judicial restraint. BB You make a good point, the matter can't be dismissed by saying Congress was simply defining marriage for the purposes of federal programs operated under enumerated powers since they cannot adopt definitions that violate the Equal Protection Clause or other parts of the Constitution. For example, I don't think Congress could define marriages in such a way that interracial marriages don't fall under it.
Mr. W: "the matter can't be dismissed by saying Congress was simply defining marriage for the purposes of federal programs operated under enumerated powers since they cannot adopt definitions that violate the Equal Protection Clause"
Sure we can. Kennedy acknowledges that Congress has the power to define marriage as it wishes in contravention of state definitions, then he proceeds to make an incoherent equal protection argument based upon human dignity that would not pass a first year Con Law exam to claim Congress may not do so in this case. Kennedy does not argue that heterosexual and homosexual unions are similarly situated, but rather that the federal government has to follow state marriage law. Nor does Kennedy claim Congress was acting irrationally in following the traditional definition of marriage or that a higher level of scrutiny applies to this issue. If Kennedy offered similarly incoherent nonsense to uphold this section of DOMA, the professors here and elsewhere would be roundly and justifiably be skewering the opinion.
Our SALADISTA (FKA our yodeler) points out:
"Nor does Kennedy claim Congress was acting irrationally in following the traditional definition of marriage or that a higher level of scrutiny applies to this issue." but fails to point out the background for DOMA reacting to Hawaii's possible legalization of SSM and a thin congressional record, in contrast to many months of congressional discussion in reapproving the VRA in 2006 backed with 15,000+ pages of evidence of various sorts. Perhaps our SALADISTA agrees with Justice "Scowlia's" statement during orals that the overwhelming vote in reapproving VRA reading the minds of the Senators and Representatives in determining their intent, something a textualist normally doesn't do. Regardless of what Kennedy said, on a comparative basis DOMA was irrational - and little mind reading of Senators and Representatives is needed to confirms this.
Shag:
Congress does not have to perform fact finding identifying a problem to make a statute constitutional, nor does such fact finding make an otherwise unconstitutional statute constitutional.
The "rational" argument against SSM is debatable (I think it is a matter of gender equality and that wouldn't be enough to meet heightened scrutiny, anyway) but that counsels letting the states experiment.
Why did the feds, suddenly in 1996, single out one specific change in marriage? Marriage changed in vast ways, ways directly affecting lots more people. There was a chance, especially after Perez v. Sharp, that states might be required to recognize interracial marriage, but Congress didn't pass a DOMA law then. They did it because of animus against homosexuals. They said so at the time. It was in the debates. It was in the legislative findings. When a group is singled out like this with some clear evidence of animus, especially when it interferes with something traditionally mostly left to the states, it is not really "rational" even if you are for restraint. IOW, there is a clear enough constitutional principle, especially given past cases protecting same sex couples. Perhaps, you think those are wrongly decided.
Joe:
Opposition to courts rewriting the constitutional equal protection to redefine marriage to include homosuxual unions is not the same as animus against homosexuals. That is like arguing that laws against incestuous marriage show animus against families.
Our SALADISTA's (FKA our yodeler) pontification:
"Congress does not have to perform fact finding identifying a problem to make a statute constitutional, nor does such fact finding make an otherwise unconstitutional statute constitutional." seems to suggest that Congress can identify a problem without evidence, fact finding. We know what Justice "Scowlia" thinks of legislative history but that does not stop him from reading the minds of an almost unanimous Congress in reapproving VRA in 2006. So he can ignore legislative history when it suits his textualist purposes but can engage in mind reading when it serves his purposes, sort of blowing hot and cold. So our SALADISTA's response is a mere duck and weave with generalities.
Shag:
Congress can and frequently has enacted statutes without much thought about whether there is an actual problem or whether the statute would work in solving the problem. So long as a court can find some rational basis for the law and it does not infringe upon a protected individual liberty, it passes muster. I am not Justice Scalia. Address my points, not his.
Bart
It's hard to follow what Kennedy is saying in his opinion, but think it goes like this: deviating from the usual practice of deferring to state definitions of marriage raises flags that Congress was up to something unusual, and that unusual thing was impermissible animus. See Professor Hellman's post here on Balkinization, I think she comes closest to capturing Kennedy's argument. "That is like arguing that laws against incestuous marriage show animus against families." Such laws show animus toward incestual relations, so why shouldn't laws against homosexual unions be thought to show animus towards such unions? "If Kennedy offered similarly incoherent nonsense to uphold this section of DOMA, the professors here and elsewhere would be roundly and justifiably be skewering the opinion." It's comments like this that make me think you are 'on script.' Have you read the posts on the opinion here? Several of them, including this very post, have roundly skewered Kennedy for a poor or odd opinion.
joe
I would have liked to see the case analyzed under gender discrimination. It's odd they didn't go that way, it was quickly brought up and ignored at oral argument but interestingly the only justice who seemed interested was: Kennedy. I would think if he could have been convinced the four liberals would have signed on to that..
Our SALADISTA (FKA our yodeler) might inform us how " ... a court can find some rational basis for the law ... " from the mere words of a statute when there is no legislative history identifying the problem the statute may address and Congress' bases for enacting the statute. Maybe he can identify some substantive statutes so enacted by Congress.
I agree our SALADISTA is no Justice Scalia, as he is only a piping teapot in comparison Surely Scalia does not believe Congress acts in such a vacuous manner as our SALADISTA suggests.
Hellman: Respect for federalism does not play any role in justifying the decision. Rather, the deviation from traditional practices here serves the function of making clear that the federal action has the purpose and effect – or I would say the meaning – of demeaning gay couples.
Mr. W, this reading of the Kennedy syllogism does not quite work. Kennedy claims that Congress is deviating from the "traditional practice" of allowing the states to define civil marriage. While this is more respect for confederacy than federalism, Kennedy is relying on a respect for his version of the proper relationship between the national and state governments to tee up his argument that Congress is somehow acting with constitutionally impermissible animus. Kennedy's logic is incoherent because he is simultaneously attempting to avoid making a standard equal protection case in favor of SSM which can be used against the states, but wants to reverse a law he personally dislikes. BD: "That is like arguing that laws against incestuous marriage show animus against families." Mr. W: Such laws show animus toward incestual relations, so why shouldn't laws against homosexual unions be thought to show animus towards such unions? Let's reverse your observation. If the traditional definition of marriage shows unconstitutional animus toward homosexual unions, why can't the same argument be made on behalf of incestuous (not to mention polygamous and polymorous) unions? To the extent that it can be understood as objective test, Kennedy's metaphysical approach necessarily boils down to, if it declines to extend recognition and benefits to any group, the government is denying them human dignity and thus engaging in constitutionally impermissible animus. In reality, Kennedy's metaphysical nonsense is a completely subjective and arbitrary approach: if it declines to extend recognition and benefits to any group Kennedy personally favors, the government is denying them human dignity and thus engaging in constitutionally impermissible animus. Kennedy would never find that government refusal to extend recognition and benefits to polygamous, polymorous or incestuous was unconstitutional because Kennedy himself has animus toward such relationships.
Bart
If you'll recall I found Kennedy's opinion to be, in Professor Levinson's words, intellectually awkward. As I said, I preferred Alito's opinion. I think Professor Hellman's interpretation puts it in the most coherent light possible. You may be correct that Kennedy's odd pages of homage to state authority over marriage was supposed to play a more key role and especially one which would protect the states from the logic of the Romer-esque other parts of the opinion, and I think you're correct that it's even more intellectually awkward if it is read that way. As to your point about animus I imagine Kennedy would try to argue that polygamy and incest are different on the grounds that there is some harm present that he would be willing to accept as rational. Whether that would convince me is another question...
Gender discrimination has not been accepted by the courts as a whole in this context, so it is not surprising that the USSC didn't use that approach. It is often not even used by gay couples.
So, it is logical for the USSC to follow Romer and Lawrence (and CLS v. Martinez dicta) to focus on sexual orientation. Kennedy briefly referenced sexual equality and said it was "difficult" to argue. This doesn't help the cause much. The classification by personal characteristic (sex or sexual orientation / race) in the marriage context was noted by Ted Olson to be different than polygamy (different interests and conduct). IF states begin to recognize polygamy, the clash between federalism and EP would have to be further examined. As to incest, states already are allowed to recognize first cousin marriages, marriages between adopted and step-relations and even an uncle and a niece in one case w/o the denial of federal benefits. As with polygamy, historically, the "definition of marriage" included such things. But, there are different interests as well there, if again, the federal government decided to single them out. Which they never did to my knowledge like this. If the feds did something like it did in the late 19th Century, such as denying voting rights in federal territory even for the mere promotion of the idea of polygamy, that level of "animus" without reasonable cause very well might be an issue. See, e.g., Romer v. Evans noting something like that goes too far.
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Books by Balkinization Bloggers Linda C. McClain and Aziza Ahmed, The Routledge Companion to Gender and COVID-19 (Routledge, 2024) David Pozen, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford University Press, 2024) Jack M. Balkin, Memory and Authority: The Uses of History in Constitutional Interpretation (Yale University Press, 2024) Mark A. Graber, Punish Treason, Reward Loyalty: The Forgotten Goals of Constitutional Reform after the Civil War (University of Kansas Press, 2023) Jack M. Balkin, What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Most Controversial Decision - Revised Edition (NYU Press, 2023) Andrew Koppelman, Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed (St. Martin’s Press, 2022) Gerard N. Magliocca, Washington's Heir: The Life of Justice Bushrod Washington (Oxford University Press, 2022) Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugaric, Power to the People: Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism (Oxford University Press 2021). Mark Philip Bradley and Mary L. Dudziak, eds., Making the Forever War: Marilyn B. Young on the Culture and Politics of American Militarism Culture and Politics in the Cold War and Beyond (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021). Jack M. Balkin, What Obergefell v. Hodges Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Same-Sex Marriage Decision (Yale University Press, 2020) Frank Pasquale, New Laws of Robotics: Defending Human Expertise in the Age of AI (Belknap Press, 2020) Jack M. Balkin, The Cycles of Constitutional Time (Oxford University Press, 2020) Mark Tushnet, Taking Back the Constitution: Activist Judges and the Next Age of American Law (Yale University Press 2020). Andrew Koppelman, Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty?: The Unnecessary Conflict (Oxford University Press, 2020) Ezekiel J Emanuel and Abbe R. Gluck, The Trillion Dollar Revolution: How the Affordable Care Act Transformed Politics, Law, and Health Care in America (PublicAffairs, 2020) Linda C. McClain, Who's the Bigot?: Learning from Conflicts over Marriage and Civil Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2020) Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin, Democracy and Dysfunction (University of Chicago Press, 2019) Sanford Levinson, Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies (Duke University Press 2018) Mark A. Graber, Sanford Levinson, and Mark Tushnet, eds., Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? (Oxford University Press 2018) Gerard Magliocca, The Heart of the Constitution: How the Bill of Rights became the Bill of Rights (Oxford University Press, 2018) Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson, Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today (Peachtree Publishers, 2017) Brian Z. Tamanaha, A Realistic Theory of Law (Cambridge University Press 2017) Sanford Levinson, Nullification and Secession in Modern Constitutional Thought (University Press of Kansas 2016) Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading The Federalist in the 21st Century (Yale University Press 2015) Stephen M. Griffin, Broken Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform (University Press of Kansas, 2015) Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information (Harvard University Press, 2015) Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard University Press, 2014) Balkinization Symposium on We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution Joseph Fishkin, Bottlenecks: A New Theory of Equal Opportunity (Oxford University Press, 2014) Mark A. Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism (Oxford University Press, 2013) John Mikhail, Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls' Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgment (Cambridge University Press, 2013) Gerard N. Magliocca, American Founding Son: John Bingham and the Invention of the Fourteenth Amendment (New York University Press, 2013) Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |