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In his new book, Free Market Fairness, John Tomasi offers
a new synthesis of Rawlsian high liberalism and market-oriented libertarianism,
which he calls “market democracy.” It
treats capitalistic economic freedoms as crucial elements of liberty, but
demands that institutions be designed so that their benefits are shared by the
least fortunate citizens.
Other political
theorists, notably Gerald Gaus and David Schmidtz, have also emphasized the
value of entrepreneurial activity as a moral ideal, but Tomasi makes this his
central focus. All three try to supplant
Rawls with a more market-friendly, less welfare-statist vision. Tomasi’s important work also inadvertently
reveals the limitations of that vision.
Rawls’s theory of
justice needs adjustment, Tomasi persuasively argues, because Rawls did not
appreciate the moral importance of markets. (175-76) “[F]or many people, commercial activity in a
competitive marketplace is a deeply meaningful aspect of their lives.” (182)
A society that seeks to facilitate the exercise of the moral powers ought
to have a wide space for such activity.
Rawls undervalues what people really care about. Here Tomasi is a useful corrective to Rawls,
who thought his theory indifferent between capitalism and socialism. The correction is largely of interest to
specialists, however, since few left-liberals today are socialists, though
Tomasi (270) thinks that the left “rejects market society and perhaps even
capitalism itself.”
Tomasi is not just a free-market
critic of Rawls. He is also a Rawlsian
critic of free markets. He shows that
Rawlsian concerns about distributive justice are shared by even the most
uncompromising libertarian thinkers, such as Herbert Spencer and Ayn Rand, both
of whom argue that unimpeded capitalism will benefit the worst off members of
society. (20) Some libertarians think that
market distributions are just and ought not to be interfered with, but Tomasi
follows Hayek in arguing that “it would be meaningless to describe the
distributional patterns that result from market transactions as just or
unjust.” (152) Hayek denounces the idea of social justice,
but by this he means government micromanagement of economic transactions, not
considerations of distributional equity; he has no objection to a welfare-state
safety net. (151-161)
At the deepest level, there is no
disagreement between Hayek and Rawls. (157-60) This suggests the possibility of a middle
ground. Free Market Fairness tries to delineate that ground.
Tomasi’s book is a useful
corrective to both Rawls and Hayek. Any
liberal theorist who wants to build an account of economic justice on Rawlsian
premises will have to take account of Tomasi.
Any conservative who wants to invoke Hayek should recognize that Hayek
offers no basis for rejecting redistributive taxation and expenditures. (Tomasi does not put it this way, but Hayek
today would be on the far left wing of the Republican party.)
At the level of policy, however,
Tomasi becomes vague and weak. Other
than the rejection of some of Rawls’s crankier suggestions, such as his embrace
of worker cooperatives (an idea that hasn’t had much appeal to actual workers)
– Tomasi’s criticisms here are devastating - the elevation of economic freedom
to the level of a basic liberty doesn’t entail much about the legitimate scope
of regulation or redistribution. That
would depend on how unregulated markets actually work.
You can find the rest of this book review at Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews, here.