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Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahman sabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts Remarks at FCC Workshop on Speech, Democratic Engagement, and the Open Internet
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Wednesday, December 16, 2009
Remarks at FCC Workshop on Speech, Democratic Engagement, and the Open Internet
JB Yesterday I was in Washington D.C. at an FCC workshop, one of several where the FCC is taking testimony connected to its rule making deliberations on network neutrality issues. Here is the text of my prepared remarks. Remarks of Professor Jack M. Balkin at FCC Workshop on Speech, Democratic Engagement, and the Open Internet, December 15, 2009 Good afternoon. My name is Jack M. Balkin and I am the Knight Professor of Constitutional Law and the First Amendment at Yale Law School, and the founder and Director of Yale’s Information Society Project, which studies the effects of new information technologies on law and society. I’m here today in my capacity as a First Amendment scholar to explain why an Open Internet is crucial to freedom of speech and democracy. The Internet's Greatest Gift: Participation What do digital networks make possible? First, they allow people to become active speakers and creators instead of merely passive consumers of information and entertainment. Second, they decentralize innovation, giving people abundant opportunities to create and use new applications for communication and creativity. Third, they allow people to form new kinds of social relationships, groups and communities. In short, digital networks allow people to participate in culture, society, and politics in ever new ways: individually or in groups, locally, nationwide, or around the world. The ability to participate is the Internet's great gift to mankind. Participation is also central to the First Amendment. Some scholars say that the point of the First Amendment is liberty; others say it is democracy. I combine the two: for me, the point of the First Amendment is to foster a democratic culture: a culture in which ordinary people can have a say about the forces that shape them and make them who they are. A culture is democratic not because people vote on it but because they get to participate in making it. A participatory and democratic culture requires more than protecting political speech; it requires a vibrant public sphere that makes self-government possible. Permission and Media Gatekeepers But participation means little if we need permission to participate. An Open Internet means that we can speak, organize and innovate without getting anybody's prior permission. This idea, too, has deep roots in the values underlying the First Amendment. One of the earliest conceptions of freedom of speech was freedom from prior government restraints. And I'm sure you remember the saying that the real freedom of the press belongs to the person who owns one. Until recently, nobody could gain access to mass communications unless they had the permission of a big media company like a newspaper or a television station. Even then, they only got access on the broadcaster's terms, and often were heavily edited. And good luck getting access if you said something a little oddball or unpopular. An Open Internet changes all this. People can reach audiences that only large media corporations could reach before. The Internet lets us route around traditional media gatekeepers, who often functioned like private censors. People can create new tools and applications for speaking, communicating, and organizing, all without having to get anybody's prior permission. Just imagine a world in which you had to get permission from Internet service providers before you could create a platform like Typepad or YouTube; or upload content onto Flickr or Facebook. Free speech and democracy thrive precisely because we don't have to ask somebody's permission before we speak, engage in politics, upload files, or create a new social media application. An Open Internet is an Internet that is open to new content and new applications, an Internet where your ISP doesn't try to block you or shut you down for daring to compete with its favored content partners. A Conflict of Interest The Internet allows us to route around the old gatekeepers. But the challenge we face today comes from the new gatekeepers: the broadband companies who own and operate the conduits through which everyone speaks. Although broadband providers are private companies, their business is affected with a crucial public interest. Broadband services allow us to communicate, form groups and create new kinds of community. They are the infrastructure of free expression and democracy. Yet there is a mismatch between the private interests of these new gatekeepers and the public interest. Their private interest, like that of any company in the United States, is maximizing profits and pleasing their shareholders. The public interest, however, is in giving as many people as possible the opportunity to innovate, create, speak, debate, express themselves, spread information, and organize politically. The public interest, in short, is in promoting the values of free expression and democratic participation. The mismatch between the public interest and companies' private interest would be less troubling if there were many sources of broadband access. But there are not. For most people in the United States, there are only two: the local cable company and the local phone company. This duopoly in Internet access makes broadband companies very powerful. They control the central conduits for speech, innovation, and self-governance in the Information Age. They can slow down Internet traffic and applications to a crawl or block them entirely, and because they have no obligation to report their decisions, nobody can know what they have done or why they did it. Broadband companies tell us that they have no interest in censoring unpopular ideas. As a general matter, I believe them. There are a few examples of political censorship on the record, but for the most part this is not the central problem. What is the problem? It is a conflict of interest between public and private interests: Broadband companies further the public interest when they operate as open, non-discriminatory platforms for other people's innovation and as open, non-discriminatory conduits for other people's speech. But their private interests inevitably lead them to play favorites. A democratic culture requires a level playing field for expression and innovation, but broadband providers don't always have an economic interest in a level playing field. Broadband providers want end users to consume content and use applications from the companies they own or contract with, because this makes them money. Conversely, they don't want other traffic, other content, or other applications to get in the way of their profits. Broadband companies are not opposed to the Internet's interactivity; they just want the interactivity to be on their own terms. End users or non-favored businesses who want to broadcast their own content, including video content, will have to take the slow lanes. Conversely, broadband owners want to be able to extract payments from applications providers and content owners in exchange for preferred service. These incentives mean that even if broadband companies have no plans to censor unpopular speech, they won't really want or enforce a level playing field for private speech and innovation. That is why there is a conflict between the public interest and private interests. And that is why regulation is necessary. Remedying the Conflict of Interest To preserve the great participatory promise of the Internet, we must confront this conflict of interest head on. When companies act as primary conduits for other people's speech, they may not discriminate in content or applications and they must be transparent about how they maintain and manage their networks to promote efficiency. They can produce and distribute their own content and they can create their own applications. But they may not play favorites between the content of their business partners and the content of everyone else. And they may not move to block or hinder innovations and applications that they didn't invent and don't control. Seeing that regulation is on the way, broadband companies have begun to argue that they have a constitutional right to block applications and discriminate against content, and that any attempt to keep them from maximizing their profits in this way violates the First Amendment. Nothing could be further from the truth. Under the First Amendment Congress can make both telephone and cable companies into common carriers who must take on all traffic. Congress can certainly require a much milder non-discrimination requirement like network neutrality. The First Amendment protects speech, not business models. The FCC's job is to make sure that communications companies serve the public interest as well as their own private interest. This idea has been the basis of telephone and cable regulation for decades. The public interest demands that we secure the benefits of an open and participatory Internet for this century. Network neutrality rules are a good place to start. Posted 9:19 AM by JB [link]
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Books by Balkinization Bloggers ![]() Linda C. McClain and Aziza Ahmed, The Routledge Companion to Gender and COVID-19 (Routledge, 2024) ![]() David Pozen, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford University Press, 2024) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, Memory and Authority: The Uses of History in Constitutional Interpretation (Yale University Press, 2024) ![]() Mark A. Graber, Punish Treason, Reward Loyalty: The Forgotten Goals of Constitutional Reform after the Civil War (University of Kansas Press, 2023) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Most Controversial Decision - Revised Edition (NYU Press, 2023) ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed (St. Martin’s Press, 2022) ![]() Gerard N. Magliocca, Washington's Heir: The Life of Justice Bushrod Washington (Oxford University Press, 2022) ![]() Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugaric, Power to the People: Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism (Oxford University Press 2021). ![]() Mark Philip Bradley and Mary L. Dudziak, eds., Making the Forever War: Marilyn B. Young on the Culture and Politics of American Militarism Culture and Politics in the Cold War and Beyond (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021). ![]() Jack M. Balkin, What Obergefell v. Hodges Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Same-Sex Marriage Decision (Yale University Press, 2020) ![]() Frank Pasquale, New Laws of Robotics: Defending Human Expertise in the Age of AI (Belknap Press, 2020) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, The Cycles of Constitutional Time (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Mark Tushnet, Taking Back the Constitution: Activist Judges and the Next Age of American Law (Yale University Press 2020). ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty?: The Unnecessary Conflict (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Ezekiel J Emanuel and Abbe R. Gluck, The Trillion Dollar Revolution: How the Affordable Care Act Transformed Politics, Law, and Health Care in America (PublicAffairs, 2020) ![]() Linda C. McClain, Who's the Bigot?: Learning from Conflicts over Marriage and Civil Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin, Democracy and Dysfunction (University of Chicago Press, 2019) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies (Duke University Press 2018) ![]() Mark A. Graber, Sanford Levinson, and Mark Tushnet, eds., Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? (Oxford University Press 2018) ![]() Gerard Magliocca, The Heart of the Constitution: How the Bill of Rights became the Bill of Rights (Oxford University Press, 2018) ![]() Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson, Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today (Peachtree Publishers, 2017) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, A Realistic Theory of Law (Cambridge University Press 2017) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Nullification and Secession in Modern Constitutional Thought (University Press of Kansas 2016) ![]() Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading The Federalist in the 21st Century (Yale University Press 2015) ![]() Stephen M. Griffin, Broken Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform (University Press of Kansas, 2015) ![]() Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information (Harvard University Press, 2015) ![]() Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard University Press, 2014) Balkinization Symposium on We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution ![]() Joseph Fishkin, Bottlenecks: A New Theory of Equal Opportunity (Oxford University Press, 2014) ![]() Mark A. Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism (Oxford University Press, 2013) ![]() John Mikhail, Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls' Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgment (Cambridge University Press, 2013) ![]() Gerard N. Magliocca, American Founding Son: John Bingham and the Invention of the Fourteenth Amendment (New York University Press, 2013) ![]() Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) ![]() James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) ![]() Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) ![]() Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) ![]() Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) ![]() Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) ![]() Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) ![]() Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) ![]() Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic ![]() Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) ![]() Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) ![]() Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) ![]() Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) ![]() Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) ![]() David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) ![]() Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) ![]() Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |