Balkinization   |
Balkinization
Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts Jim Hoagland can't quite connect the dots
|
Monday, December 08, 2008
Jim Hoagland can't quite connect the dots
Sandy Levinson
Jim Hoagland's column in yesterday's Washington Post, entitled "Obama's 77-Day Sprint," begins as follows: "Lengthy presidential transitions rank among the oddest of America's political traditions. In the 21st century, they are also among the most dangerous. " One might think that somewhere in the column Hoagland would mention that they are not the product of unwritten "tradition" (such as the limitation of the Supreme Court to nine members, whatever earlier realities), but, rather, a hard-wired feature of our Constitution, thanks to a mixture of choosing to "elect" presidents through the Electoral College plus the 20th Amendment. But one would be wrong in any such expectation. Hoagland joins the (dis)honor role of otherwise able and astute pundits who seem "constitutionally incapable" of recognizing any connection between a feature of our political system that they justifiably condemn and our sacred Constitution. Instead we are urged to read an undoubtedly fine book, "Difficult Transitions," by Kurt Campbell and my University of Texas colleague James Steinberg, which, according to the Table of Contents, is full of policy advice but seems devoid of any discussion of the wisdom of actually amending the Constitution to forestall this "dangerous" American political "tradition." Argh.....
Comments:
Keep in mind that Jim Hoagland was an active enabler for George W until only quite recently when a little of the light of reality entered his right wing tunnel vision that perhaps mistakes were made. Hoagland, as many other right wing pundits who have recently (but reluctantly) abandoned George W, seems to want to make the transition more difficult for President Elect Obama, perhaps with a view to benefiting the GOP in 2010 and 2012. So Jimbo may provide a modicum of faint praise for Obama from time to time, but his heart really isn't in it. It's sad that Jimbo has almost fully eroded his one-time foreign policy credentials in his long support of George W.
How is the transition period hardwired in? The only thing the Constitution sets is the inauguration date. If the Congress wanted to, it could set Election Day later. Ergo, shorter transition period.
In any event, I continue to agree with Bart DePalma and Jack Balkin and disagree with Sandy Levinson regarding the length of the transition-- Obama is still picking his people and putting together his agenda, and Bush is consulting with him before major decisions. I don't see what the problem is.
Dilan, I nearly posted similar comments about the length of the transition, but I think it's fair to call the transition time "hard-wired" because the existence of the EC effectively mandates a longer transition than a simple election and vote count would. It's possible to shorten things a bit by statute, but we saw in 2000 that it's essential to leave some space for contested elections in individual states. The extent of the problem depends in substantial part on how short one thinks the transition time should be.
I continue to agree with Prof. Levinson that it should be much shorter than it is now, too short to accomodate and EC.
Mark:
Wouldn't you still need time for contested national recounts? Indeed, you'd need MORE time if we were recounting the country instead of Florida? The Electors meeting and voting takes 1 day. So I would tend to think the Electoral College doesn't slow things up at all.
The reason you'd need less time in a straight popular vote is that the odds are so low of the vote count ever being close enough. When there are 130 million votes cast, even a .17% margin (the closest presidential margin ever) amounts to 221,000 votes. No recount could possibly change that.
Look at MN today -- the margin was 215 after the initial count, out of 2.9 million, .00741% -- 229 times closer than Kennedy/Nixon. While Franken might pull it out, even that's no better than 50/50. A nationwide recount at that level would mean a gap of just 9600 votes or so. Not very likely. In contrast, the current (and historical) split in the nationwide electoral vote makes it much more likely that a single state would tie up the rest of the country.
Congressional terms expire on January 3. I would think that it would be administratively challenging, at the very least, to have the election after Christmas and nobody would stand for having it right before Christmas. So the latest that you could have it would be the second Tuesday (or whatever) in December, meaning it would fall between the 8th and the 14th. This would leave enough time to certify the election of Senators and Representatives (there always being the possibility that a few races will be undecided), have the electoral college meet sometime in early January, and transmit the results to Congress before January 20. I dont see why the remote possibility of a 2000-type situation should preclude such a schedule.
Of course, I wouldn't want to be the politician explaining to people why we should hold the election in the middle of the holiday season.
Mark:
Wasn't the Bush/Gore popular vote in 2000 close enough to require a recount? Ford/Carter in 1976? Nixon/Humphrey in 1968? Nixon/Kennedy in 1960? And even if your answer is no to all of those, what would you do if you DID need to do a national recount, and you have no time?
The answer in all cases is no. Recounts change very few vote results (vide Franken/Coleman or even Bush/Gore). In none of the cases you mentioned was there even a remote chance that a nationwide recount would have changed the result. The closest was 1960, where the margin was more than 112,000 votes. Recounts can't overcome that large a gap.
I agree that there is a potential problem in the event of a national recount (though this is mostly a hypothetical objection IMO), but that depends on (a) the transition time; and (b) the method of voting. As for the former, even I don't recommend the 10 days or so that seems to be the rough norm among parliamentary democracies. I'm thinking more like 30 days. That would leave the election at its current date and the inauguration in early December. A good voting system makes this timeline very plausible. Scantrons with a paper trail can be counted very quickly, and recounted pretty quickly as well (MN is taking more time than necessary and was delayed getting started). In fairness, I'd note that a nationwide standard of voting would speed up EC counts also and thus leave open the potential for that to remain in place. I'd favor eliminating that on other grounds.
I don't think the reason why recounts take so long is the method of voting. Rather, it is the stakes at issue. Presidential candidates and parties will always hire phalanxes of lawyers and do everything they can to examine every possible ballot.
With your preferred optical scan ballots, there will be challenges to every stray mark and every not-quite-filled-in bubble. Further, 112,000 votes is clearly a recountable margin in an electorate of 120 million. It's only .01 percent of the electorate. It may seem like a lot, but that's only because we've never had a national recount.
112,000 votes was the margin in an electorate which was half the size. With the turnout this year, the comparable margin would be 221,000. That's at least 10 times the margin which a nationwide recount might change. I don't know of any state today which would permit a recount with a margin as large as .17%; most are in the neighborhood of .05% or less.
Yes, the stakes would be high in recount for president. Yes, both parties would behave badly in such a case. But these factors don't prove anything because they're common to ALL vote systems. A nationwide popular vote would actually reduce the chances of a close election which would give rise to such problems.
It would reduce the chances of a recount somewhat, but it would increase the mess if one were to occur. And you want to shorten the transition period.
If we enacted all your desired reforms, we'd put the country on an inexorable course towards a train wreck.
At a DC Bar panel on the transition process yesterday, a questioner brought up the idea of shortening the lame-duck period by constitutional amendment, which apparently was proposed in a Legal Times op-ed last month. (Had someone else not raised the issue, I was going to ask it myself, with specific reference to Professor Levinson).
None of the panelists seemed to think that this was a particularly good idea. One point that each of them made (as does Hoagland in his op-ed), both in response to this question and throughout the panel, was that the formal transition period is only part of the real transition, which includes both the period after inauguration but before the cabinet official for each department is confirmed, and the period thereafter before the key lower level officials are confirmed. Shortening the formal transition would likely lengthen these informal transitions, which are difficult not only for the new president but for the agencies that have to operate without political leadership. One idea that was alluded to briefly would be to speed up the confirmation process for cabinet level officials so that they can be confirmed immediately after inauguration. Indeed, if the outgoing president were willing to nominate these officials before the actual inauguration, there is no reason why they could not be confirmed and in place even before the inauguration.
It would reduce the chances of a recount somewhat
Actually, it would decrease the chance of a recount by quite a bit. There's not a single presidential election ever which would have required a nationwide recount of the popular vote. In contrast, we've had 3 serious constitutional crises as a result of the EC (1824, 1876, 2000), and another (1960) which could well have turned into one. but it would increase the mess if one were to occur. No more so than any other plan to eliminate the EC. If we enacted all your desired reforms, we'd put the country on an inexorable course towards a train wreck. This is hyperbole. I've no doubt people said the same when the transition period was changed from March 4 to January 20. If you had some evidence from another country, that might be persuasive. The strange thing is, that while you're simply inventing the potential for harm, we have actual evidence of harm caused by an overly long period. We now have 2 historical examples (Lincoln and FDR) of a "real mess" caused by the delayed transition (I'm ignoring Bush for the moment). There's no such thing as a perfect system, so it's always a matter of trade-offs. Those two examples mean you need to come up with something more than speculation.
Mark, the south would have seceded no matter what the length of the transition period in 1860. And once they seceded, war was inevitable.
As for 1932, there's no evidence that FDR could have really done anything to stop the depression by then anyway. Certainly FDR's people were pissed off at Hoover, but that's a lot different from actually harming things. On the other hand, you don't know how many bad presidencies we have AVOIDED because the President has had enough time to vet and select a good team and get up to speed.
Dilan, I agree with you that the South would have seceeded. The point is that Buchanan made things much worse by failing to prepare for that. Just for example, he allowed his Secretary of War to loot Union arsenals and send the weapons south. That's pretty significant.
As for FDR, his policies seemed to have had a pretty quick effect alleviating the Depression. Unemployment dropped and GDP rose after he took office. I know my grandparents would have been very happy to have those things happen even a few months earlier -- living in a converted corn bin apparently wasn't quite as romantic as it sounds. On the other hand, you don't know how many bad presidencies we have AVOIDED because the President has had enough time to vet and select a good team and get up to speed. I'm sure the same was said about the move from March 4 to January 20. Again, though, this is speculation. If there were evidence of this, we'd surely find it in the states and in other nations. Just for example, CA has the governor take office on the first Monday in January (roughly 2 weeks less transition time). Do you honestly believe that this time difference is critical?
It isn't that any particular time difference is critical. It's just that the President-elect needs enough time to staff and get briefed and prepared. There's nothing unreasonable about a period of two months, despite what you are claiming. And for all we know, we would have even better presidents if we had kept the March date. You can't prove otherwise.
Buchanan's decisions may not have been optimal, but since the Civil War was going to happen anyway, they look pretty minor. And with all respect to your grandparents, there is no economist who contends that FDR's policies had an IMMEDIATE impact other than the bank holiday. When economists say that the New Deal stimulated the economy, they are talking about year-to-year figures, not week-to-week.
It isn't that any particular time difference is critical. It's just that the President-elect needs enough time to staff and get briefed and prepared.
Agreed. What we're discussing is the relative value of the trade-offs. There's nothing unreasonable about a period of two months, despite what you are claiming. No, but then again there's nothing unreasonable about 1 month either. It's a judgment call either way, informed by actual experience (both historical and from states and foreign countries). And for all we know, we would have even better presidents if we had kept the March date. You can't prove otherwise. Perhaps they'd be better yet if we extended the transition to 2 years. Nobody can prove otherwise. Seriously, we had two significant instances in which the March date proved to be a real flaw. Obviously people thought so -- they took the effort to amend the Constitution to get rid of it. That speaks pretty strongly. Buchanan's decisions may not have been optimal, but since the Civil War was going to happen anyway, they look pretty minor. I don't think you'd find many historians who agreed with this. JMHO, but I'd use a different phrase than "not optimal" to describe the process of taking one's own weapons and giving them to one's enemy.
tell me which side i'm on
Post a Comment
approaching constant failure who's friend or foe? between love and hate which path to follow? how can i keep balance in this race? come faith i'm dying.. slowly
|
Books by Balkinization Bloggers Linda C. McClain and Aziza Ahmed, The Routledge Companion to Gender and COVID-19 (Routledge, 2024) David Pozen, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford University Press, 2024) Jack M. Balkin, Memory and Authority: The Uses of History in Constitutional Interpretation (Yale University Press, 2024) Mark A. Graber, Punish Treason, Reward Loyalty: The Forgotten Goals of Constitutional Reform after the Civil War (University of Kansas Press, 2023) Jack M. Balkin, What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Most Controversial Decision - Revised Edition (NYU Press, 2023) Andrew Koppelman, Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed (St. Martin’s Press, 2022) Gerard N. Magliocca, Washington's Heir: The Life of Justice Bushrod Washington (Oxford University Press, 2022) Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugaric, Power to the People: Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism (Oxford University Press 2021). Mark Philip Bradley and Mary L. Dudziak, eds., Making the Forever War: Marilyn B. Young on the Culture and Politics of American Militarism Culture and Politics in the Cold War and Beyond (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021). Jack M. Balkin, What Obergefell v. Hodges Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Same-Sex Marriage Decision (Yale University Press, 2020) Frank Pasquale, New Laws of Robotics: Defending Human Expertise in the Age of AI (Belknap Press, 2020) Jack M. Balkin, The Cycles of Constitutional Time (Oxford University Press, 2020) Mark Tushnet, Taking Back the Constitution: Activist Judges and the Next Age of American Law (Yale University Press 2020). Andrew Koppelman, Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty?: The Unnecessary Conflict (Oxford University Press, 2020) Ezekiel J Emanuel and Abbe R. Gluck, The Trillion Dollar Revolution: How the Affordable Care Act Transformed Politics, Law, and Health Care in America (PublicAffairs, 2020) Linda C. McClain, Who's the Bigot?: Learning from Conflicts over Marriage and Civil Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2020) Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin, Democracy and Dysfunction (University of Chicago Press, 2019) Sanford Levinson, Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies (Duke University Press 2018) Mark A. Graber, Sanford Levinson, and Mark Tushnet, eds., Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? (Oxford University Press 2018) Gerard Magliocca, The Heart of the Constitution: How the Bill of Rights became the Bill of Rights (Oxford University Press, 2018) Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson, Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today (Peachtree Publishers, 2017) Brian Z. Tamanaha, A Realistic Theory of Law (Cambridge University Press 2017) Sanford Levinson, Nullification and Secession in Modern Constitutional Thought (University Press of Kansas 2016) Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading The Federalist in the 21st Century (Yale University Press 2015) Stephen M. Griffin, Broken Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform (University Press of Kansas, 2015) Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information (Harvard University Press, 2015) Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard University Press, 2014) Balkinization Symposium on We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution Joseph Fishkin, Bottlenecks: A New Theory of Equal Opportunity (Oxford University Press, 2014) Mark A. Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism (Oxford University Press, 2013) John Mikhail, Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls' Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgment (Cambridge University Press, 2013) Gerard N. Magliocca, American Founding Son: John Bingham and the Invention of the Fourteenth Amendment (New York University Press, 2013) Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |