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Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts The Dellinger Memo
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Saturday, November 01, 2008
The Dellinger Memo
Stephen Griffin
I meant to comment on the Dellinger memo a few weeks ago when I was zooming by it in my foreign affairs class. But better late than never. This was an OLC memo issued in 1994 during the Clinton administration by Walter Dellinger that addressed the knotty question of presidential authority to decline to execute unconstitutional statutes. This is one of the most difficult questions in constitutional law and goes to the heart of the point of view known as “the Constitution outside the courts,” a view I happen to agree with. But I don’t agree with the tone or substance of the Dellinger memo, although I have the highest respect for Professor Dellinger, one of our leading scholar/lawyers. He would be on anyone’s first squad of constitutional all-stars.
Comments:
Another way to describe a “decline” to enforce an “unconstitutional” statute is an impeachable offense. A failure to enforce the law is a breach of a clear presidential duty and so is always grounds for impeachment.
If a statute is unlawful because it violates the Constitution, I would suggest that Article II compels the President to enforce the Constitution and ignore the statute. To do otherwise is arguably the impeachable offense. The only way I can see forward is to assume the President cannot act except on the advice of a relatively independent, expert body inside the executive branch whose job it is to assess the unconstitutionality of statutes. Why? Prior to enacting a statute, the Congress did not need to consult a relatively independent, expert body inside the legislative branch whose job it is to assess whether the statute would be constitutional. Indeed, such a body would have no standing under the Constitution to make such decisions for either branch. While it may be wise for the President or Congress contemplating a questionable statute to seek legal advice, the decision is ultimately theirs to make. It would be more persuasive if there were well acknowledged examples of Congress trying to take over executive power. Choose any number of Vietnam era statutes where the Congress attempts to assume or delegate to the courts the President's plenary CiC power to direct the operations of the military. FISA is an excellent example. In any case, exhorting the President to “defend his office” is the wrong approach under ordinary circumstances. The right way is to assume good faith on the part of the Congress and to approach relations among the branches in a spirit of comity and reason. I would suggest that Presidents already follow that advice. It is incredibly rare that a President declines to enforce a questionable statute. In the case of FISA, Mr. Bush informed Congress from the outset that he would by bypassing FISA to implement the TSP and gave them fair warning.
The key point is that the president has plenty of opportunity to weigh in before a bill becomes a law. Whether the source of law is the OLC or the Supreme Court or elsewhere, the president can argue his case, marshal his party, and use the veto. Even if he loses, the president can rely on necessity, good motives, his own popularity or congressional inertia to defeat impeachment. The political branches can be expected to engage politically, which is one reason courts have avoided inserting themselves in inter-branch disputes. What becomes important in this post-Harlow v. Fitzgerald era is whether a president can give his minions an immunity bath single-handedly. We have relied on personal liability to restrain executive agents, e.g. the Anti-Deficiency Act and Bivens. The egregious claims of the Bush administration require positive actions, such as laws to revive lawsuits against Bush's unconstitutional policies or impeachments against Addington and Yoo and friends, to remove impunity and reinstate moral hazard.
A statute is only unconstitutional if the courts say it is. The president's duty is the execute the law, not decide unilaterally that the law doesn't apply to him or her. If the President believes a congressional statute is unconstitutional, he or she may file a declaratory relief action and obtain a court order to that effect. But the executive has no "judicial power" whatsoever, and therefore has no power to determine the constitutionality of statutes. Only the judiciary may do that.
Steve outlines a reasonable default position (that the President should comply with statutes) but is alarmingly casual about impeachment when the President departs from this default stance. In the quest for what Justice Jackson in the Steel Seizure case called a "workable government," the President needs some space for unilateral action. Consider FDR's decision to enter into the destroyer deal with Britain in 1940, which Jackson as Attorney General authorized with a strained interpretation of the Neutrality and Espionage Acts. Some have argued that FDR committed an impeachable offense when he agreed to the destroyer deal, but virtually all would agree that FDR's decision was the right policy move in dangerous times. An independent body of the kind that Steve recommends may have hindered this decision, to the detriment of United States (and global) interests. There is no substitute for wisdom and temperament in a President (I hope we will soon have a president who displays both attributes). Roosevelt and Jackson did comply with conditions Michael Walzer set out in his classic essay, "Politics and the Problem of Dirty Hands": their decision was transparent, subject to ratification by the legislature, and tailored to accomplish a specific goal. Requiring more would risk the "doctrinaire textualism" that Jackson cautioned against in his Youngstown concurrence.
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