Balkinization   |
Balkinization
Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts When does a political/economic crisis become a constitutional one?
|
Friday, September 19, 2008
When does a political/economic crisis become a constitutional one?
Sandy Levinson
The lead story in tomorrow's NYTimes, "Bush Officials Urge Swift Action on Rescue Powers," begins as follows: "The Bush administration, moving to prevent an economic cataclysm, urged Congress on Friday to grant it far-reaching emergency powers to buy hundreds of billions of dollars in distressed mortgages despite many unknowns about how the plan would work." I take it that it is increasingly obvious that most members of Congress will vote on a piece of legislation they almost certainly will not have read and even fewer members will be able to understand even if their eyes have passed over the legislation. But that is not my main point. ]
Comments:
I wouldn't be too sure about the judiciary. We don't know the details of any of these proposals yet. While I suspect the judiciary will sign off on them (assuming someone even has standing to challenge), there's no guarantee of that.
As I've said before, I don't share your dislike of the veto. I see good reasons for it, though I might reduce the override to 60 votes instead of 67. I don't think that a Bush veto of a rescue bill would create a constitutional crisis. While it might be accurate to describe Andrew Johnson's vetos as creating a constitutional crisis, I don't think that can be said of any other vetos, even Jackson's Bank veto. Even in Johnson's case, the crisis lay less with the vetos (which were all overridden) and more with the confrontation with Congress of which they were merely one aspect. There isn't enough time left for Bush for that to become an issue, and in any case the Dems in Congress today don't have the stones. Where is Thaddeus Stevens when you need him?
As readers will know, one of the matters seriously discussed by your Founding Fathers was whether the head of the executive should govern with the assistance of a council modelled on the UK Privy Council, emulated in many of the then North American colonies by the fact that the Governor was required to take the advice of a Council.
As readers will also know, the Privy Council still exists in the UK and has certain formal functions. One of the conventions of our constitution is that the leading politicians of all parties are sworn as members of the Privy Council with a fairly blood-curdling Oath which goes back to Tudor times:- The Oath of a Privy Counsellor You do swear by Almighty God to be a true and faithful Servant unto The Queen’s Majesty as one of Her Majesty’s Privy Council. You will not know or understand of any manner of thing to be attempted, done or spoken against Her Majesty’s Person, Honour, Crown or Dignity Royal, but you will lett and withstand the same to the uttermost of your power, and either cause it to be revealed to Her Majesty Herself, or to such of Her Privy Council as shall advertise Her Majesty of the same. You will in all things to be moved, treated and debated in Council, faithfully and truly declare your Mind and Opinion, according to your Heart and Conscience; and will keep secret all matters committed and revealed unto you, or that shall be treated of secretly in Council. And if any of the said Treaties or Counsels shall touch any of the Counsellors you will not reveal it unto him but will keep the same until such time as, by the consent of Her Majesty or of the Council, Publication shall be made thereof. You will to your uttermost bear Faith and Allegiance to the Queen’s Majesty; and will assist and defend all civil and temporal Jurisdictions, Pre-eminences, and Authorities, granted to Her Majesty and annexed to the Crown by Acts of Parliament, or otherwise, against all Foreign Princes, Persons, Prelates, States, or Potentates. And generally in all things you will do as a faithful and true Servant ought to do to Her Majesty. SO HELP YOU GOD The modern utility of having the leaders of all major parties sworn of the Council is that on matters concerning the security of the state or other matters of great national moment, the government of the day can impart information to and hold discussions with the opposition on "Privy Council Terms" secure in the knowledge that those discussions will remain confidential. I was very struck by the NY Times article Congressional Leaders Stunned by Warnings. Why, I thought, should they be "stunned"? This crisis was as predictable as hurricane Katrina - indeed, much more so. There are officials in the Federal Reserve and the US Treasury whose job it is to monitor the global financial situation, just as there are similar officials in every other country. A very great deal of the effort of various intelligence agencies is devoted to enabling governments to stay a little ahead of the game - I say "a little ahead" because the world's first intelligence agencies were developed by bankers - having advance intelligence is how the great bankers of ancient Greece and Rome, the Siennese and Florentines, the Rothschilds and others, all got very, very rich - and the best operators today in the world's financial markets have their analysis and intelligence services too - often better ones than those of some national governments. Everyone with any expertise knew six months ago that this was coming, the only question was when. So how come the congressional leadership was only briefed yesterday? Was it that the present administration hoped against hope that the necessary remedial action could be postponed until after the election and then dumped in the in-tray of the incoming one? That to me would seem to have been a dereliction of duty of the first order. Counterfeiting the currency was long considered treason - Benjamin Franklin's 1777 Philadelphia £4 notes bore the warning "To counterfeit is death". What ought to be the consequence of unnecessarily adding between 1-2 trillion dollars to the national debt? Impeachment perhaps?
"What ought to be the consequence of unnecessarily adding between 1-2 trillion dollars to the national debt? Impeachment perhaps?"
Would CASTRATION be cruel and unusual?
Hasn't the USA been there before several times, when the national debt has neared the legislatively enacted ceiling? Admittedly this was in otherwise quiet times and the game of chicken could be played out more decorously. But the potential for disaster was always there.
In no serious sense was Jackson's veto of the Bank a "constitutional crisis." For starters, the Bank still had four years to go. Secondly, the veto assured that the Bank would become one of the central issues of the 1832 campaign, which Clay was confident he could win by denouncing Jackson's imperious veto. He was obviously wrong.
In this context, a veto by Bush would risk the "cataclysm" that Paulson and Bernanke are warning about. That would be an economic crisis of the first order, which would be triggered by the fact that the Constitution allows one person to countermand substantial majorities of both houses of Congress.
One question about the proposal and related to the judicialization:
Is not the proposed bill against Section 10 of the US Constitution ("Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts")? Or It Does not cover "enrichment of Contracts"? Is this an originalist issue? I am not a US citizen, but any constitutional crisis here is related to the fact that the Constitution does not seem to cover such legislation and there has been no previous one of that type and scale. Back to Tocqueville
One question about the proposal and related to the judicialization:
Is not the proposed bill against Section 10 of the US Constitution ("Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts")? Or Does it not cover "enrichmnet of Contracts"? Is this an originalist issue? I am not a US citizen but any constitutional crisis here is related to the fact that the Constitution does not seem to cover such legislation and there has been no previous one of that type and scale. Back to Tocqueville
It's a federal law or act, and the contract clause begins, "No state shall..."
So, no, it doesn't violate the contract clause.
For what it is worth, the Supreme Court during the '30's in effect decided that the Contract Clause ran against the US Government via the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment. I don't remember the name of the case, alas, but I count on one of the readers of Balkinization to supply the information shortly.
If one supports the Contract Clause at all (and believes, say, that Blaisdell was wrongly decided, as our libertarian friends certainly do), then there is no good reason to refuse to apply it, at least presumptively, against the national government.
In no serious sense was Jackson's veto of the Bank a "constitutional crisis."
I agree. That was my point -- if that veto did not cause a constitutional crisis, then it's hard to see how a hypothetical Bush veto of a particular bailout bill could do so. It's not impossible for a veto to have that effect, but it's hard to see.
The proposed bill also contains the following:
“Decisions by the Secretary pursuant to the authority of this Act are non-reviewable and committed to agency discretion, and may not be reviewed by any court of law or any administrative agency”. I think it also deserves constitutional scrutiny
Sandy:
Post a Comment
The reason why a conservative would take government action here as opposed to creating more entitlements is that a crash of the financial sector would substantially harm everyone and very likely reduce government revenues for years in the future far more than the purchase and then resale of these assets ever will. A new entitlement costs everyone forever and only grants benefits to a narrow portion of the citizenry. The Dems would be exceedingly unwise to attempt to larder up this emergency bill. Hopefully, a veto threat and a revolt of the Blue Dogs will not be necessary.
|
Books by Balkinization Bloggers Linda C. McClain and Aziza Ahmed, The Routledge Companion to Gender and COVID-19 (Routledge, 2024) David Pozen, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford University Press, 2024) Jack M. Balkin, Memory and Authority: The Uses of History in Constitutional Interpretation (Yale University Press, 2024) Mark A. Graber, Punish Treason, Reward Loyalty: The Forgotten Goals of Constitutional Reform after the Civil War (University of Kansas Press, 2023) Jack M. Balkin, What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Most Controversial Decision - Revised Edition (NYU Press, 2023) Andrew Koppelman, Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed (St. Martin’s Press, 2022) Gerard N. Magliocca, Washington's Heir: The Life of Justice Bushrod Washington (Oxford University Press, 2022) Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugaric, Power to the People: Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism (Oxford University Press 2021). Mark Philip Bradley and Mary L. Dudziak, eds., Making the Forever War: Marilyn B. Young on the Culture and Politics of American Militarism Culture and Politics in the Cold War and Beyond (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021). Jack M. Balkin, What Obergefell v. Hodges Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Same-Sex Marriage Decision (Yale University Press, 2020) Frank Pasquale, New Laws of Robotics: Defending Human Expertise in the Age of AI (Belknap Press, 2020) Jack M. Balkin, The Cycles of Constitutional Time (Oxford University Press, 2020) Mark Tushnet, Taking Back the Constitution: Activist Judges and the Next Age of American Law (Yale University Press 2020). Andrew Koppelman, Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty?: The Unnecessary Conflict (Oxford University Press, 2020) Ezekiel J Emanuel and Abbe R. Gluck, The Trillion Dollar Revolution: How the Affordable Care Act Transformed Politics, Law, and Health Care in America (PublicAffairs, 2020) Linda C. McClain, Who's the Bigot?: Learning from Conflicts over Marriage and Civil Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2020) Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin, Democracy and Dysfunction (University of Chicago Press, 2019) Sanford Levinson, Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies (Duke University Press 2018) Mark A. Graber, Sanford Levinson, and Mark Tushnet, eds., Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? (Oxford University Press 2018) Gerard Magliocca, The Heart of the Constitution: How the Bill of Rights became the Bill of Rights (Oxford University Press, 2018) Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson, Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today (Peachtree Publishers, 2017) Brian Z. Tamanaha, A Realistic Theory of Law (Cambridge University Press 2017) Sanford Levinson, Nullification and Secession in Modern Constitutional Thought (University Press of Kansas 2016) Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading The Federalist in the 21st Century (Yale University Press 2015) Stephen M. Griffin, Broken Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform (University Press of Kansas, 2015) Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information (Harvard University Press, 2015) Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard University Press, 2014) Balkinization Symposium on We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution Joseph Fishkin, Bottlenecks: A New Theory of Equal Opportunity (Oxford University Press, 2014) Mark A. Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism (Oxford University Press, 2013) John Mikhail, Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls' Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgment (Cambridge University Press, 2013) Gerard N. Magliocca, American Founding Son: John Bingham and the Invention of the Fourteenth Amendment (New York University Press, 2013) Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |