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Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts Toward a critical analysis of "time" in legal history
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Friday, July 11, 2008
Toward a critical analysis of "time" in legal history
Mary L. Dudziak
An understanding of "time" is a basic feature structuring our understanding of American legal history. But time’s role is assumed and not examined, as if it is a natural and essential phenomenon.
Comments:
Time is critical to constitutional theory as well. Originalism (In the Scalia not Balkin sense) requires seeing a "nation" as existing over time in a way that is more important than the time limits of individual human lives. I know of two works dealing centrally with this problem and reaching very disparate conclusions: Jeb Rubenfeld, Freedom and Time (2001), and Malla Pollack, Dampening the Illegitimacy of the US Government, 42 Idaho L. Rev. 123 (2005).
Originalism (In the Scalia not Balkin sense) requires seeing a "nation" as existing over time in a way that is more important than the time limits of individual human lives.
I obviously haven't read your article, but this strikes me as odd. To me, Scalia's originalism sees the nation as frozen at a particular moment in time. Kind of like a vampire.
I think Mark and I agree, but are using words differently. Scalia sees the USA as an eternal entity whose time is the only "real" one. Like the Deity, the USA "is, was, and ever will be" the same. The nature of the essential USA is "frozen", but it does exist now -- or Scalia would not have Supreme Court from which to issue decrees.
What is time, and what is "permanent"? I am wondering what people with legal knowledge have to say about making laws "permanent"--such as permanent tax cuts.
I think Mark and I agree, but are using words differently. Scalia sees the USA as an eternal entity whose time is the only "real" one. Like the Deity, the USA "is, was, and ever will be" the same. The nature of the essential USA is "frozen", but it does exist now -- or Scalia would not have Supreme Court from which to issue decrees.
Got it. Yes, I think we do agree.
I'm not a historian, but don't historians have debates about periodization all the time? Oftentimes, as you note, the periods are defined by wars (e.g., the Inter-war Period in Europe), and other areas may themselves constitute wars (World War I, WWII, the Civil War, etc.) but other are defined without reference to wart (the Jacksonian era, the Renaissance). Such a debate is pretty clearly about time, in a sense.
For Andrew:
Yes periodization is important to historians and is a way that temporality is engaged. But most debates about periodization start with an assumption that time itself is a natural feature with an essential nature. The challenge is how to divide linear components up into the right segments. But the way we understand time (its linearity and supposed universality) is historically contingent and culturally constructed. For example, Carol Greenhouse puts aside arguments about time in science (e.g. Einstein on relativity), and focuses in her book on what she calls "social time": "the ways people talk about and use representations of time in social life, ideas that develop independently of whatever 'real time' might be." (p. 1) Whether a more deeply critical understanding of time is needed for understanding the way the concept of "wartime" affects our analysis of law and war in history -- or whether what's needed is a more complicated rendering of periodization -- is something I'm still trying to figure out. Acknowleging that time does not have an essential character, and that there are different ways of representing it culturally, helps us to see that time can do important cultural work. For this reason, I think going beyond an analysis of periodization is important.
"Like the Deity, the USA "is, was, and ever will be" the same."
So, where's Article V come into this? Originalists think the Constitution remains unchanged except when it's changed. They merely demand that it be changed via the formal process the Constitution itself calls for, rather than informally. I like this, it keeps the courts' "meaning" of the Constitution in synch with what the text actually says, and requires people who want changes to write them out, defend them, and win widespread public approval for them.
This is a very interesting project. Do you have anything posted on this (e.g., at SSRN)? The concept of temporality, as you say, is central to our understanding of the 'war on terror' and the scope of executive power in a time of crisis. For example, I've long been intrigued by Justice Davis' language of 'before and after' in his opinion in Ex parte Milligan. Also, the very notion of a 'state of exception' is informed by undertheorized temporal assumptions, with the exception marking a temporal space between the before and after of wartime (or other) emergencies.
Bill, thanks for your comment. I agree with your point about temporality and states of exception. And thanks especially for pointing me to the language in Justice Davis' opinion. I will post an essay on this on SSRN as soon as it's ready -- hopefully early fall -- and I'll have an article to circulate sometime during the next year. Ultimately this will result in a book on law and war in the 20th century U.S. The starting point of the book will be an effort to undo our assumptions about wartime's temporality, arguing that our conception of time interferes with our ability to see war's persistent impact on American democracy.
The idea that there are two different kinds of historical time: wartime and peacetime, becomes quite interesting when compared to the period since WW II.
Because of the cold War, this period has been viewed as one of wartime, and the conservatives have adapted their political offerings to that view. That would be the basis for the anti-Communism that elected Nixon and which he thought justified his trashing of the Constitution, for example. It can also be seen in the desperate search by conservatives to find a new enemy to replace Communism, but they are finding it difficult to find a political ideology that presents an existential danger to the American nation. That's why the actions of a few bandits, crazies and terrorists are exaggerated into some strange idea called Islamo-Fascism. The idea of the Unitary Executive is justified by the President as Commander in Chief, meaning wartime time. It appears that Cheney has specifically manipulated events to justify that the wartime view of time so that he can recreate the Presidency as a monarch (an earlier form of wartime leader.) Did Cheney really anticipate a terrorist attack on the United States to create his preferred wartime Presidency? Bush, of course, would never have had to know what was going on if he even cared. He certainly had no desire to control the operations of government. He attempted to delegate that drudgery. If that's the case, it is reasonable to assume that the unpredictable wild success of 9/11 was far beyond what they expected. But it certainly made it unnecessary to continue demonizing China as they were previously attempting. Perhaps a clear understanding of the nature of time in the historical and legal sense will put this idiocy to rest by making it an ineffective form of political propaganda.
Willywitch,
As a student of the I Ching, (Chinese Book of changes)I would strongly suggest that nothing is permanent. It only that some changes are slower than others. [Grin]
Your project sounds fascinating. I look forward to hearing more.
There are significant discussions in the history of international law [specifically just war theory for the most part beginning in the late middle ages] about what it means to be in a “state of war” that center on trying to determine whether the political organization (not always called “state”) is by nature always at war, or is pacifist and either 1) enters/leaves the condition (state) of being at war, or 2) is never in a condition (state) of war (as mutual belligerency), rather from time to time commits an act of war perhaps as law enforcement, e.g. It also seems there are many definitional issues in the problem you address. I am thinking, e.g., of Clausewitz’s “war is politics by other means,” and otherwise about the murky relationships between international law and international relations, and between law and science (esp. regarding posititivism); and about the widely misunderstood "just war theory."
"Wartime" implies that the state of war exists.
That requires a definition of war. Are these wars? Korea Police Action Cold War Vietnam War War on Terror Crypts vs. Bloods
I organized a conference once on The Need for Speed in International Commercial Arbitration (it is the Liber Amirocum Michel Gaudet published by the ICC) and Me. Samir Saleh made a wonderful presentation about different notions of time. He pointed out the idea of the watch as ornamental in the East as opposed to the watch as a utilitarian tool in the West as an example of the relationship to time.
Best, Ben
I think I see the argument, which is fascinating, but my initial reaction was that the entire notion that historians have neglected different forms of time, or treated it as a kind of Euclidean grid, is dubious. (I look forward to reading Hunt's new book, but her previous work on revolutionary time is a case in point.) There is the (famous?) tripartite breakdown of modes of time in Braudel's trilogy. For that matter, there is Lewis Mumford's analysis of the rise of clock temporality in Technics and Civilization. Perhaps neither are the hippest of references.
Professor Duziak, you seem to be talking about time as explanation and time as it is experienced, and then maybe time as it is experienced as an explanation (or justification) -- "it's because this is war time." As an explanation, there is some interesting work in historical political science. Stephen Skowronek talks a lot about "political time" in his work on the presidency, which seems to potentially parallel what you are talking about.
Don't forget Jacque Le Goff on merchant time vs. clerical time:
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