| Balkinization   |
|
Balkinization
|
Thursday, February 14, 2008
Scalia on Torture
Brian Tamanaha
The IntLawGrrls blog has posted a rough transcript of Justice Scalia’s illuminating comments on "so-called" torture in a recent interview with BBC.
Comments:
That's totally awesome that Scalia thinks torture would be unconstitutional to use against someone who had been afforded due process of law, but it may be constitutional to use torture provided that the subject hasn't been found guilty of anything.
Even better, his claim supposes that it is acceptable to use torture as punishment for nonfeasance but not malfeasance, because he doesn't consider nonfeasance to be subject to punishment under his absurd definition. I respect that he doesn't dress up his insane views in moderate sounding language like Roberts and Alito.
AS: ...smacking someone in the face, to find out where he has hidden the bomb...
This is the kind of argumentation proffered by the most vocal member of history's most powerful bench. And folks wonder at my despair?
Justice Scalia sometimes likes to philosophize too much. He could have begun and stopped at the obvious answer to correct the misinformed Brit that the 8th Amendment applies to crimes and not to wartime combatants. Article I grants to Congress the power to set rules for Captures.
However, Nino was dead on in answering the leading question concerning common law and the moral tone set by the Supremes. The Brit reporter is confusing his common law constitution with our written one. Unlike in Britain, Article III courts are subordinate to the Constitution and do not have authority to rewrite it to establish their own moral tone for the nation. If they do not have the authority to legislate to set the moral tone for the nation, they certainly do not have the authority to do so for other countries.
I can't believe I'm doing this, but...
Scalia has a point (an originalist point) when it comes to the 8th A. According to the original Encyclopedia Britannica, torture was the imposition of pain for purposes of interrogation. Pain after conviction, as a form of punishment, was not torture. Blackstone makes the same distinction; it's why English law could simultaneously ban torture and yet sentence traitors to be hanged, drawn and quartered. The rest of Scalia's comments are despicable.
I have a post up at my blog about Scalia's Beeb "torture" interview (also this other one about another aspect of the Beeb interview). People are invited to carry on "Bartesque" 'discourse' on this over there.
From an update to my post, this from Ondolette: Shortly after his return to England in 1628, Buckingham was assassinated. His knife-wielding assailant was captured, and the king was approached for a warrant to authorize his interrogation under torture. They had been routinely issued in the past. But King Charles choked at the request; there is little doubt that Donne’s sermon had a lot to do with his hesitancy. Instead of granting the warrant, the king directed that the judges of England assemble at the Inns of Court in England and render him advice. Was the torture of a suspect in connection with interrogation to be permitted by the laws of England, the monarch asked. And Blackstone records the result. The judges assembled, deliberated and issued their declaration. “Upon their honour and the honour of England,” they said, torture was against the common law. From Challenging Torture, Scott Horton, February 4, 2008 “Seems to me you have to say, as unlikely as [the ticking time bomb scenario] is, it would be absurd to say that you can’t stick something under the fingernails, smack them in the face. And once you acknowledge that, we’re into a different game. How close does the threat have to be, and how severe can an infliction of pain be?” Justice Antonin Scalia, February 12, 2008 Cheers,
He [Scalia] could have begun and stopped at the obvious answer to correct the misinformed Brit that the 8th Amendment applies to crimes and not to wartime combatants.
But, as I point out, Scalia's an "originalist," which means he interprets the text of the US Constitution as it was written." And the Eighth Amendment doesn't say that: "Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted ... for convicted criminals but not for 'wartime combatants'" In fact, the perverse interpretation that it only applies to punishment post conviction (see my blog entry; I said "... nor is it obvious that the Eighth bans only "punishment" in the wake of a trial and conviction) is inconsistent with the fact that it also prohibits "excessive bail", which of course applies to the situation before conviction (or acquittal, as the case may be). Scalia is certainly parsimonious in his rights; he would seem to affort the right to be free of "cruel and unusual punishment" only to those actually guilty of crimes. Interesting priorities he has.... Cheers,
Mark,
The question is whether under English law they were hung first, then drawn and quartered, or the other way around. Brian
Scalia's right about the 8th Amendment. A punishment occurs after sentencing.
But he's wrong about the Constitution generally. The FOURTH Amendment certainly does prohibit torture (it constitutes an unreasonable seizure), and in circumstances where the Fourth Amendment doesn't apply (as with pretrial detainees), the Fifth Amendment prohibits it (see Bell v. Wolfish; Rochin v. California). Scalia, as usual, thinks he has found the answer and everyone else is stupid; in fact, he is not as smart as he thinks.
While we are on this gruesome topic, traitors to the Crown were hung until nearly dead, then cut down, disemboweled and had their privates cut off and displayed for the amusement of the crowd. If they were still alive, then they were drawn and quartered.
This was tastefully implied but not shown in the movie Braveheart. Our standards for "torture" have obviously evolved since those days...
Scalia seems to forget the reference in the Constitution to "attainder" because I think that the Constitution does address whether or not someone who was not convicted of a crime could be subjected to pains, penalties and punishments.
All of which goes back to the back and forth between you and Marty Lederman earlier. OLC may be simply saying that these actions are not torture no matter what the setting (although Bradbury is now trying to dive and jive and say that maybe they are 'now' torture because somehow the legal interpretation of torture has been changed by cases and legislation since his original opinions) but not even Scalia buys that argument. So master of the Twister Board that he is, Scalia hands out the argument that he thinks the Administration SHOULD be using (kind of like an advisory opinion, absent the formalities of an opinion, eh?). As per my earlier comment, that is one based on necessity. Unfortunately for all the help I think he's trying to hand out, the facts don't seem to bear out necessity, unless, somehow, a nuclear bomb in LA and "don't let me look bad on this" (from W to Tenet) are somehow both on the same "necessity" par. I can understand how the loyal Bushies believe that -making Bush look good is JUST as important and necessary and exigent as uncovering a nuclear weapon, but I don't think most would ever buy it. Really, you almost get the impression that Scalia is looking for a recusal battle if a case hits.
Scalia's 8A-is-only-punishment position is basically just Thomas's dissenting position, which Scalia joined, in Hudson v. McMillan and Helling v. McKinney.
Chris:
I am going to defend Scalia here. He certainly does think that the Eighth Amendment only prohibits METHODS of punishment, i.e., sentencing you to 40 lashes or the rack and screw. Thus, he does not think that the IMPLEMENTATION of punishment, i.e., life in prison for possession of drugs, is governed by the 8th Amendment. So long as prison isn't a cruel and unusual punishment, it may be imposed in any duration for any offense. But as far as I know EVERYONE on the Court believes that the 8th Amendment only governs POST-CONVICTION punishments. Thus, in Bell v. Wolfish, the Court held that the FIFTH AMENDMENT governed pre-trial detention conditions. And in Graham v. Connor, the Court held that the FOURTH AMENDMENT governed excessive force in an arrest. Where Scalia goes awry is not in disclaiming the application of the 8th Amendment but in assuming that no other provisions in the Constitution prohibit torture.
Dilan,
You might be right. Looking more carefully, Scalia says that smacking someone in prison could violate the 8A, and that might not be right under his approach in Hudson and Helling. So he might well be appealing to something more broadly recognized.
I would like to ask Mr. DePalma if he knows how
interrogators of terrorists know when they have obtained all of the information that the subject has to give so as to know when to cease using aggressive interrogation methods. FW
I hate to point this out but I'd rather be hung than hanged. And Scalia would probably agree with me, for himself, that is.
Do no jurists who hold to Scalia's view consider the propriety of applying torture to persons who haven't been convicted, given that, absent a conviction, we don't know if the prisoners are actually guilty of anything?
Would the full-of-himself Scalia just shrug his shoulders if a prisoner were grievously tortured during interrogation and then later acquitted of the charges against him? Is the law only a technicality, rather than (also) an expression of our philosophy of the rights of Man and of the appropriate relationship between citizen and state?
Robert Cook:
Post a Comment
Do no jurists who hold to Scalia's view consider the propriety of applying torture to persons who haven't been convicted, given that, absent a conviction, we don't know if the prisoners are actually guilty of anything? Would the full-of-himself Scalia just shrug his shoulders if a prisoner were grievously tortured during interrogation and then later acquitted of the charges against him? I've also commented on this. Is it truly possible that Scalia thinks that the protections available to convicted prisoners are greater than those few afforded the innocent? If that's his take on the 8th Amendment, then can we start accusing him of coddling criminals? I will agree that "due process" concerns and the Fifth Amendment provide strong albeit indirect protections against such gummint maltreatment for those not previously convicted, but you could probably find some Scalia-type that might insist that the "due process" protections of "life, liberty, or property" means that they can torture you for information consistent with the U.S. Constitution as long as they don't lock you up afterwards. You're only prevented from being killed ... or your Ferrari taken. Cheers,
|
Books by Balkinization Bloggers
Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009)
Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009)
Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009)
Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) Neil Netanel, Copyright's Paradox (Oxford Univ. Press 2008)
David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007)
Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007)
Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006)
Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006)
Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006)
Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006)
Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006)
Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005)
Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |