Balkinization   |
Balkinization
Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts If . . . .
|
Tuesday, November 06, 2007
If . . . .
Marty Lederman
Senator Schumer has a very thoughtful Op-Ed in the Times today about why he's voting to confirm Judge Mukasey. The centerpiece of the editorial is this:
Comments:
Senators Shumer and Feinstein could hold their noses and vote "present" rather than "aye" in committee.
Another "if" from the op/ed:
"Judge Mukasey has demonstrated his fidelity to the rule of law, saying that if he believed the president were violating the law he would resign." If Judge Mukasey is TRULY unwilling to work for a president who is violating the law, you would think that he'd want to determine whether waterboarding is illegal before accepting the job. Mukasey's refusal to do so suggests that he's happy to remain willfully ignorant or pretend that he is in order to be AG. Schumer's sophistry is disgusting and pathetic.
If Schumer is not lying about what Mukasey told him (which is more than a possibility with this two faced Senator who has previously opined in 2004 as to the necessity of torture), then Schumer's latest statements only suggest further that Judge Mukasey does not believe that waterboarding falls under the current statutory definition of torture.
During his confirmation hearings and in his letters, Mukasey claimed that he could not opine on whether waterboarding fell under the current definition of torture because he had not been read in on the facts of the technique. However, he had no trouble telling Schumer that waterboarding would be illegal if Schumer's bill specifically barring the practice were enacted into law. This suggests that the good Judge was avoiding telling Congress in public that their current law does not outlaw waterboarding. Furthermore, Schumer's claim that he believes waterboarding is currently illegal is not particularly convincing when followed by an argument for enacting a statute specifically outlawing the practice. This suggests that Mukasey also told Schumer in private that the current law does not reach waterboarding.
P.S. On the Article II question, Senator Schumer might be mollified by Judge Mukasey's assurances that the President could not disregard statutes limiting interrogation techniques. But the Judge has been strategically quite selective on the basic question. He will not say whether the President can disregard statutes governing electronic surveillance. And he claims not to "yet" have a view on whether Congress has the constitutional power to enact legislation setting a deadline for withdrawal of troops from an armed conflict.
Are you noticing a pattern here? Judge Mukasey is simply avoiding telling the Senate which must approve him things they do not want to hear. It is becoming clearer as time goes on that Mukasey does not believe that waterboarding falls under the current statutory definition of torture and avoided giving this opinion to the Senate in public. If this pattern holds true for the rest of his testimony, it also appears that Mukasey does not believe that Congress has the power to take away the President's power to direct foreign intelligence gathering. Indeed, Mukasey says as much in his letter answering questions on the subject. The same holds for Congress attempting to take away the President's power to direct the movements of troops.
Of course, if Judge Mukasey does not think it it torture under the torture statute or other US federal law - Judge Mukasey is wrong per Evan Wallach's analysis. The passage of an act specifically banning waterboarding is just windowdressing for Senators and Congresspersons who have sold their soul to torture years ago. The effect is to amnesty those who waterboarded and those who ordered waterboarding who will use the new law to argue that it was not a crime when they did it.
Pitiful, absolutely pitiful. Schumer wrestled with his conscience and once again he won. Best, Ben Best, Ben
Benjamin Davis has it right. Shumer's comments are fatuous. There's no need for a new law "banning this and other forms of torture"; such law(s) already exists. The problem is lack of enforcement, not lack of legislation. Enforcement, you say? Oh yeah, that's the AG's job.
By the way, I STRONGLY oppose any new law banning waterboarding specifically. That would inevitably imply that waterboarding is not torture under current law. Once again, Senate Democrats are demonstrating complete cluelessness.
"I STRONGLY oppose any new law banning waterboarding specifically. That would inevitably imply that waterboarding is not torture under current law."
It would also imply that every other form of torture that Bush uses is not torture under current law, and we'd need a new statute for each one. In any case, for each new statute Bush would issue a signing statement saying that he interprets the statute not to interfere with his inherent powers. And he could also come up with new forms of torture. The only way that Congress can stop him is by impeachment.
Henry is right. An openly criminal administration must be treated like an openly criminal administration. Let's stop putting our heads in the sand. Schumer and Feinstein, by trying to turn lemons into lemonade, end up by lending legitimacy to the administration's rationalizations for torture. This whole story has been a disaster. Mukasey should never have been nominated in the first place. Now the Senate, though controlled by the opposition party, appears likely to confirm a man who refuses to say that water-boarding and other methods of torture violate the law. This act brings lasting shame on the United States -- not to mention that it allows our government to go on torturing people just as before.
mark field said...
By the way, I STRONGLY oppose any new law banning waterboarding specifically. That would inevitably imply that waterboarding is not torture under current law. Once again, Senate Democrats are demonstrating complete cluelessness. Talk about cutting off your nose to spite your face. If your true goal was to ensure that waterboarding was outlawed rather than scoring partisan political points, enacting more specific laws would be a no brainer.
No that is not true Bart. Enacting new laws that have the effect of amnestying prior acts is the problem. Once prosecutions of all those under the current law was done, I would be open to a new law - not before. We are not idiots.
Best, Ben
Even though Bart quotes Mark Field's statement, he ignores it. The statement explicitly gives a reason, other than scoring partisan political points, that he opposes a statute banning waterboarding specifically: it "would inevitably imply that waterboarding is not torture under current law." But which side is motivated by scoring partisan political points? Would I be overly generous to Republicans to suggest that they would not support torture if Bush were not a Republican? Or do they sincerely believe in torture?
If your true goal was to ensure that waterboarding was outlawed rather than scoring partisan political points, enacting more specific laws would be a no brainer.
I'm game. I propose we ban: 1). Repetitive comments. 2). Trite comments. 3). Comments already beat to ground. 4). Repetitive and trite comments. 5). Repetitive comments already beat to ground. 6). Comments intended to obfuscare. 7). Comments intended to distract. 8). Comments intended to obfuscate and distract. 9). Repetitiive coments intended to obfuscate. 10). Repetitie comments intended to dustract. 11). Repetitive and trite comments intended to distact and obfuscate already beaten to ground. etc., etc...... Once we've done that, I'm quite sure we'll be protected from any forms of thread sabotage and hijacking ... as long as we made sure we covered all the bases, and there's no "loopholes" that certain people bent on havoc can utilise.... You get the idea... Cheers,
benjamin/henry:
As a matter of law, simply amending the torture statute does not waive liability under the previous version of the statute. As a matter of legislative history, none of the sponsors of the Schumer bill are admitting that waterboarding does not fall under the current version of the statute. Rather, this is simply being pitched as a clarification This is really all about partisan talking points. Even though amending the statute will not have a legal effect, it will undermine the partisan political claim that the current statutory definition of torture was clear and the Bush Administration violated the statute by waterboarding KSM and two other al Qaeda terrorists.
-- As a matter of law, simply amending the torture statute does not waive liability under the previous version of the statute. --
. Without confronting the narrowing that results from the use of the word "waive," one should note that the war crimes statute was amended in 2006, at the behest and insistence (veto threat) of the administration, with a particular requirement being that the statutory definitions of war crimes be back dated in order to (at least attempt, if not obtain) avoid criminal liability for cruel and inhuman interrogation techniques.
There is a way to word a waterboarding statute so as not to give rise to any argument that the statute proves waterboarding was legal before:
(a) The United States Congress finds that the practice of "waterboarding" terrorism suspects constitutes a form of torture that is and has been prohibited by the UN Convention Against Torture and US statutory law; (b) Solely for the avoidance of doubt, because some commentators and officials have contended that international and US law does not ban waterboarding, Congress finds that more specific language is required on this subject; (c) Title 18, section _#($*#$, United States Code, is hereby added, reading [add language prohibiting waterboarding here]
There is absolutely no need to pass a law to outlaw something which is already illegal under several statutes besides the torture statute:
18 USC § 113 (Assault) 18 USC § 1201 (Kidnapping) 18 USC § 2441 (War crimes) 10 USC § 897 (Unlawful detention) Senator Schumer is being silly,and Judge Mukasey is entangling himself in a criminal conspiracy. There simply is no reason to confirm any nominee -- let along one for the post of AG -- who refuses to obey the law.
charles gittings said...
There is absolutely no need to pass a law to outlaw something which is already illegal under several statutes besides the torture statute: 18 USC § 113 (Assault) 18 USC § 1201 (Kidnapping) 18 USC § 2441 (War crimes) 10 USC § 897 (Unlawful detention) How do thesel laws apply to the overseas wartime detention and interrogation of foreign unlawful enemy combatants? It is perfectly legal to detain an enemy combatant of any type for the duration of a war, so kidnapping and unlawful detention do not apply. It is perfectly legal to assault and even kill enemy combatants of any type during a war. These default rules of war are suspended only to the extent required by the laws of war for captured enemy combatants. This leaves the War Crimes statutes and gets us back to the definitions of torture and CID which would be the subject of the bills seeking to expressly outlaw waterboarding.
Dilan is, of course, right that it's possible to craft a statute which wouldn't have the implication I suggested. I have zero confidence that the Congress will pass and the President will sign such a law.
Under the "be careful what you wish for" category, the Dem House leaders offered Kucinich's motion to impeach Vice President Cheney for a vote on the floor. They hoped to appease you folks with a vote, which they figured would lose badly after the GOP and Dem Blue Dogs voted it down.
Ooops. Boy, did they miscalculate! Nearly all of those GOP House rascals joined Kucinich's merry band of impeachers to toss this grenade onto the conference table of John Conyer's Justice Committee. Conyers used to be an impeachment true believer until the grown ups in the party power structure got to him. Now he gets to live his dream, and Pelosi and Hoyer's nighmare, of running an impeachment investigation. Be sure to call or write the members of the Judiciary Committee to conduct a very thorough public investigation into next summer and then to send Articles of Impeachment to the floor of the House for a debate and full recorded vote. I am sure the voters back home will be very interested in how their representatives vote. Indeed, I would dare say that such a vote would swing the election. This should be exceedingly amusing...
bartbuster said...
Baghdad, why are you now blocking dissenting opinions from your blog? The cursing, name calling and non topical nonsense has been removed and will not be allowed in the future. The dissenting topical posts remain and are welcome in the future. If your entire contribution is limited to the former, then look elsewhere to post. If you want to argue topically and politely, you are welcome to do so.
Re the Kennedy bill Marty cites, S. 1943 I am puzzled by the meaning of Section C, which provides:
"(c) APPLICABILITY. —Subsection (a) shall not apply with respect to any individual in the custody or under the effective control of the United States Government pursuant to a criminal law or immigration law of the United States." Does this simply mean that the prohibitions re treatment and interrogation in this bill already exist for "any individual in the custody or under the effective control of the United States Government pursuant to a criminal law or immigration law of the United States"?
http://androoms.blogspot.com/
Post a Comment
http://androoms.blogspot.com/2014/07/3-aplikasi-edit-video-android-offline.html http://androoms.blogspot.com/2014/08/cara-blokir-nomor-sms-di-hp-android.html http://androoms.blogspot.com/2014/07/download-aplikasi-bbm-terbaru-untuk-hp.html http://androoms.blogspot.com/2014/07/5-aplikasi-edit-foto-terbaik-android.html http://androoms.blogspot.com/2014/07/download-aplikasi-facebook-untuk-hp.html
|
Books by Balkinization Bloggers Linda C. McClain and Aziza Ahmed, The Routledge Companion to Gender and COVID-19 (Routledge, 2024) David Pozen, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford University Press, 2024) Jack M. Balkin, Memory and Authority: The Uses of History in Constitutional Interpretation (Yale University Press, 2024) Mark A. Graber, Punish Treason, Reward Loyalty: The Forgotten Goals of Constitutional Reform after the Civil War (University of Kansas Press, 2023) Jack M. Balkin, What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Most Controversial Decision - Revised Edition (NYU Press, 2023) Andrew Koppelman, Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed (St. Martin’s Press, 2022) Gerard N. Magliocca, Washington's Heir: The Life of Justice Bushrod Washington (Oxford University Press, 2022) Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugaric, Power to the People: Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism (Oxford University Press 2021). Mark Philip Bradley and Mary L. Dudziak, eds., Making the Forever War: Marilyn B. Young on the Culture and Politics of American Militarism Culture and Politics in the Cold War and Beyond (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021). Jack M. Balkin, What Obergefell v. Hodges Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Same-Sex Marriage Decision (Yale University Press, 2020) Frank Pasquale, New Laws of Robotics: Defending Human Expertise in the Age of AI (Belknap Press, 2020) Jack M. Balkin, The Cycles of Constitutional Time (Oxford University Press, 2020) Mark Tushnet, Taking Back the Constitution: Activist Judges and the Next Age of American Law (Yale University Press 2020). Andrew Koppelman, Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty?: The Unnecessary Conflict (Oxford University Press, 2020) Ezekiel J Emanuel and Abbe R. Gluck, The Trillion Dollar Revolution: How the Affordable Care Act Transformed Politics, Law, and Health Care in America (PublicAffairs, 2020) Linda C. McClain, Who's the Bigot?: Learning from Conflicts over Marriage and Civil Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2020) Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin, Democracy and Dysfunction (University of Chicago Press, 2019) Sanford Levinson, Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies (Duke University Press 2018) Mark A. Graber, Sanford Levinson, and Mark Tushnet, eds., Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? (Oxford University Press 2018) Gerard Magliocca, The Heart of the Constitution: How the Bill of Rights became the Bill of Rights (Oxford University Press, 2018) Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson, Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today (Peachtree Publishers, 2017) Brian Z. Tamanaha, A Realistic Theory of Law (Cambridge University Press 2017) Sanford Levinson, Nullification and Secession in Modern Constitutional Thought (University Press of Kansas 2016) Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading The Federalist in the 21st Century (Yale University Press 2015) Stephen M. Griffin, Broken Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform (University Press of Kansas, 2015) Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information (Harvard University Press, 2015) Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard University Press, 2014) Balkinization Symposium on We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution Joseph Fishkin, Bottlenecks: A New Theory of Equal Opportunity (Oxford University Press, 2014) Mark A. Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism (Oxford University Press, 2013) John Mikhail, Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls' Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgment (Cambridge University Press, 2013) Gerard N. Magliocca, American Founding Son: John Bingham and the Invention of the Fourteenth Amendment (New York University Press, 2013) Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |