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Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts A Post-Constitution Day Note About Presidential Contempt for Democracy
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Tuesday, September 18, 2007
A Post-Constitution Day Note About Presidential Contempt for Democracy
Brian Tamanaha
Section I of Article I of the Constitution is a model of brevity and clarity: "All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives."
Comments:
Professor Tamanaha:
A website dedicated to educating kids about the constitution emphasizes that in our system, consistent with the language of Article I, the legislature alone makes the law: "our head of state, the President, has no power to make laws." We have come a long way from the days of Roman law, which held that "What has pleased the prince has the force of law." This often-told story makes us feel good about our democracy, but it's a big fat fiction that leaves out of the account our vast body of administrative regulations. Don't be fooled by the label "regulation" into thinking it is not "law." Regulations specify binding obligations and often come with civil and criminal penalties. And the notion that these regulations are still "democratic" (indirectly) because their are authorized by Congress and subject to congressional override is a stretch that is convincing only to theorists who prefer abstraction over reality. Here's our democracy in action (as reported by John Broder in the New York Times): ...now President Bush has his cabinet and staff busily writing far-reaching rules to keep his priorities on the environment, public lands, homeland security, health and safety in place long after the clock strikes midnight and his presidential limousine turns into a pumpkin... Apparently the temptation to behave like a Prince is too great to resist. It is one thing to acknowledge that owing to the complexity of modern life we need the regulatory system and must therefore accept the democratic deficit it entails. But efforts to issue regulations at the close of an administration ooze of contempt for democracy. This is interesting. Are you joining those of use who believe that Congress' delegation of legislative and judicial power to the unelected Executive bureaucracy is both unwise and unconstitutional? Or are you arguing that such delegation is only unwise and "anti democratic" when ordered by democratically elected Presidents for "political" reasons? I would suggest that we could solve all of the considerable anti-democractic policy and unconstitutional delegation of power problems without sacrificing the advisory function of the bureaucracy by simply having the bureaucracy recommend regulations to Congress for enactment and have violations of those statutes be decided in Article III courts as required by the Constitution.
Yeah, right, Bart. As if.
Seems to me the Bushies are gearing up to "do regulations right" because, unlike the Clinton administration, they're pretty damn certain they won't be handing off to a friendly administration. Instead, they're planting whole fields of administrative land-mines. I know that "friendly hand-off" was a factor in the Clinton admin's down-to-the-wire completion of the Roadless Area Conservation Rule -- when the Bushies stole Florida, the Forest Service had to redouble their efforts to finalize the RACR. Only to have Cheney slap a freeze on it first thing, of course. Another angle is highlighted by that particular story: the Roadless Rule was, and remains, the most wildly popular piece of environmental policy-making yet presented to the American public. But because of the Dead Hand natural resource politics of Western senators especially, there was never a chance for a roadless area-protection bill in Congress. Just for example, the fact that a clear majority of Idaho citizens supported roadless area protection counted for less than nothing with Larry Craig. (Who should be counting fish forever after in the River Lethe, if there were justice in this universe.)
make a decision. Adopt an amendment that entrenches the unitary executive or one that does not. Engaging i decade-long arguments about whether your constitution does not does not establish a unitary executive is an intellectual wasteland.
Equally, you need to re-establish the legislative veto. As as far I am aware, every democratic national legislature on the planet, except the US congress, can disallow subordinate legislation. It's not immediately obvious how denying the US congress this power has advanced the cause of representative government, although it has led to an amazing amount of law-making outside the congress.
I tend to agree with Bart. Just like on the commerce clause, conservatives have a point with respect to the regulatory state, which isn't consistent with the separation of powers (Bart doesn't mention this, but administrative adjudication also impinges on Article III judicial powers) and gained its foothold during the New Deal.
And this is an issue that historically troubled liberals as well as conservatives-- witness Cardozo's concurrence in the Schechter Poultry case, complaining of delegation "running riot". Obviously, there is some play in the joints between executive branch formulating enforcement policy (which can take the form of rulemaking) and purely legislative acts. But the Congress simply delegating the power to make a broad spectrum of rules with respect to particular industries and activities really isn't consistent with any plausible reading of the Article II legislative power.
Yeah, it's not so much that the oft-told story is a fiction, it's actually a pretty good description of the system the Constitution set up.
The fiction is that we're still following that Constitution.
It bears remembering that the only reason the regulatory agencies have the authority to do these anti-democratic things is because Congress gave them the power in the first place.
Is there a reason Congress couldn't reserve a legislative veto if it wanted to? Don't I remember reading a case about this in Con Law?
The issues raised by the rise of the administrative state (all over the world) are deep and profound, as suggested by Prof. Tamanaha's original posting. With due respect, it is infeasible to expect Congress to have the time to hold hearings and vote on every administrative agency proposal, but it is also disturbing to have so much law made by administrative agencies. We all, of course, ride our own hobbyhorses, so let me suggest that one of the (altogether understandable) deficiencies of our Constitution is that it has literally nothing useful to say about governance in the modern administrative state, and the Supreme Court's blunderbuss and formalistic opinion in Chadha wasn't much help. (I personally thought Justice White's dissent was his best single opinion in his 30-some years on the Court.) This is precisely the kind of issue that could usefully discussed in a constitutional convention given a mandate to take a fresh look at the adequacy of our 18th-century Constitution in a 21st-century, administrative-state-dominated, world.
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