Balkinization   |
Balkinization
Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List                                                                E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts The Difference Between "Rule of Law" and "Rule by Law" (A.G. Gonzales Please Take Note)
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Monday, May 14, 2007
The Difference Between "Rule of Law" and "Rule by Law" (A.G. Gonzales Please Take Note)
Brian Tamanaha
Although there are various definitions of the “rule of law,” a core element that all definitions share is the notion that the government and its citizens must abide by the law. This idea raises a problem that prompted philosophers as diverse as Aquinas and Hobbes to express doubts about whether the rule of law is possible. The problem is this: the government is the source of (state) law, so it cannot be bound or coerced by the law, because one cannot bind or coerce oneself. In Hobbes’ words, “he that is bound to himself only, is not bound.” Aquinas put it in these terms: “The sovereign is said to be exempt from the law; since, properly speaking, no man is coerced by himself, and law has no coercive power save from the authority of the sovereign. Thus then is the sovereign said to be exempt from the law, because none is competent to pass sentence upon him, if he acts against the law.”
Comments:
Exactly so! The Justice Department is not just any branch of government. That is why, when the Bush Administration has riddled the entire government with corruption, the corruption of the Justice Department is different from, and more alarming than, the corruption of other executive agencies.
"We have partially solved this conundrum through an institutionalized separation of the “sovereign.”"
We also tried to solve it by having a special class of law which is supposed to bind the sovereign, but which the sovereign isn't permitted to change without an involved formal procedure meant to require social consensus. But there does in fact seem to be no way to force the sovereign to use that procedure anymore. Remarkably, some people actually celebrate the loss of that safeguard.
There is a coercive power other than military might: the power of the purse. This administration hears only statements from power. The time is well past for Congress to answer in kind. Make all appropriations contingent on compliance with Congressional oversight. If that means temporarily shutting down the federal government than so be it; this is that important.
Have any of the professors who post here ever actually worked in a prosecutor's office at the state or federal level? Every time I read posts like this claiming that prosecutor's offices are generally apolitical unless someone by the name of Bush is in charge, I tend to think not.
I have worked in two prosecutor's offices and practiced in cooperation with or against several others. News flash! Every single office I have had dealings with is political in that they prioritize their limited resources to accomplish what the boss wants done. If an attorney does not want to pursue the goals of the boss, he or she is generally not long for the office. This is how it should be. Prosecutors are elected to serve the will of the voters or are appointed by elected officials who serve the will of the voters. My first boss was elected on a platform of jailing criminals and enforcing laws against pornography in our rural district. In contrast, my second boss was elected on a platform of alternative sentencing to rehabilitate criminals in our urban district. He developed one of the most innovative juvenile programs in the nation and devoted a far larger percentage of his budget there than did my first boss. There is nothing "corrupt" or wrong about following the priorities of the elected official in charge of that prosecutor's office. Of course, the targets of the prosecutor's law enforcement priorities will probably have a different and more negative view of those priorities than will the voters who elected the prosecutor or the official who appointed the prosecutor. That is the situation here where congressional Dems are the target of Justice's priorities to prosecute election fraud and are fighting back by attacking that priority as "political" because they cannot defend the fraud itself.
There is no crime in having political priorities influence prosecutorial actions. There are crimes that can (and may have been committed) in abusing prosecutorial discretion or in obstructing justice. Neither of thse statements is relevant to the debate here. The problem is that we seem neither to be able to agree that 'anything within the bounds of legality goes' when it comes to organizing and structuring the DoJ's business, because neither party can stomach the idea of being on the losing of end of this, nor can we agree on the fact that there are 'extra-legal' boundaries which limit the pursuit of political objectives but which are not themselves 'laws.' So discussing 'the rule of law' doesn't help. Both the left and the right at various times have paraded the notion that 'everything is politics' and there is no coherent and consistent party position in oppositon to this. Today it is Democrats, and the left in general, who are arguing that there HAS BEEN an 'accepted' notion of 'the right way to do things' that flourished until the Bushies came to power, but not so long ago, the same folks were arguing that there was no such thing as a 'right way' to do things, there was only the 'way things were done' which depends mostly on power relations. Law as such has done what it can, well or ill, for us (even to the point where the constitution is being called into question as the source of our difficulties). No, it is time to discuss, describe, define and promote in the most serious way the social and political virtues that are required for the effective and decent operation of our type of government. After all, isn't a democracy defined as a govermment in which everyone gets what the majority deserves? DREED
There's a difference between having policy priorities (loosely or even not so loosely associated with the general platform of the party in pwer), and (ab)using the DoJ, turning it into just one more weapons for the achievement of party power. The problem is not whether to enfore or not enforce (and if so, how vigourously and how strictly) election laws and corruption laws, but rather, whether particular types of prosecutions are targeted only at one party, and if others are quashed or discouraged because of the party of the alleged perps. When the DoJ gets turned into a wholly owned subsidiary of the RNC (and in particular, of the most partisan hacks and thugs therein), then we have problems.
But the good news is that responsible Republicans are of the considered opinion that even the lowly White House Travel Office should not be subject to allegedly partisan machinations, and if such is alleged, a special prosecutor equipped with the full power and resources of the FBI and millions in taxpayer funds in pocket ought to be brought in to get to the bottom of things..... Cheers,
Faces or a vase? Are we looking at the donut when we should be paying attention to the hole?
Actually, much more interesting than the case of the fired USAs is what those that were not fired were up to. The ones that got fired refused to go on partisan witch-hunts (or pursued corruption within the maladministration, or both). They have unarguably done nothing wrong. Did the ones that didn't get fired make a deal with the devil? Did they pursue cases (and/or ignore others) for partisan purposes like good little Bushistas? Cheers,
In re: questionable actions involving USAs:
Via The Carpetbagger Report: [...] * Paul Krugman noted a couple of weeks ago, for example, that Chris Christie, the former Bush “Pioneer” who is now the U.S. attorney for New Jersey, issued subpoenas as part of an investigation against Sen. Bob Menendez (D) shortly before last year’s election. * In New Hampshire, Democrats want Congress to investigate whether prosecution of a Republican phone-jamming scheme on Election Day 2002 was intentionally delayed until after the presidential election two years later. * Did the U.S. Attorney’s office in Pennsylvania intentionally target Bob Casey allies to undermine his Senate campaign against Rick Santorum? * Why was the career U.S. Attorney in Guam removed in 2002 after he started investigating disgraced GOP lobbyist Jack Abramoff? * Why has Western Pennsylvania’s U.S. attorney, Mary Beth Buchanan, spent a disproportionate amount of her time launching public-corruption investigations against Democrats, while overlooking Republicans? * In July 2005, the U.S. Attorney in Denver decided not to pursue a matter in which bouncers at a Bush event impersonated Secret Service agents to throw out three law-abiding ticket-holders because of their bumper sticker (the Denver Three controversy). Did politics dictate the decision? As Bud Cummins, one of the purged prosecutors, recently explained: “[T]he public must perceive that every substantive decision within the department is made in a neutral and non-partisan fashion. Once the public detects partisanship in one important decision, they will follow the natural inclination to question every decision made, whether there is a connection or not.” Bingo. It’s the consequence of the administration undermining public confidence in the system.
The people who wrote the Constitution understood the problem quite well.
This is why they didn't let the federal government have a large standing army which would enable it to enforce its will without the active support and cooperation of the individual states, and the individual citizens. The 2nd Amendment is, and was always intended to be, the "reset" button for our government
Mr DePalma,
Cynicism masquerading as realistic sophistication is still cynicism. Before I became a professor, I practiced law as a public defender and later as a prosecutor, and Marty worked in DoJ, so you are not the only one with insights from the field. We have all seen (and engaged in) good and bad practices--the key is to be able to recognize the difference. Brian
How the separation of powers addresses the problem of sovereignty posed by aquinas and hobbes, and later expanded for a modern context or notion of state by schmitt (unacknowledged here), is only partially addressed here. The separation of powers necessarily precludes the identification of the office of the executive with the person occupying the office. Congress can hold the person accountable for abuse of the power given to the executive office, not the office itself. At that point, the person can be thrown out of office, while the coercive power of the state (found in the executive office) remains in the executive office. By the same argument, a weak congress and judiciary establishes more identification between the man and the office, and therefore the state itself. Schmitt’s relation to Nazism, where the sovereign power of the state is fully constituted not only in an “executive office” but in the man occupying the office – because the two are identical – is found in this argument. He believed the state’s power, diluted between branches, was divided against itself and therefore weak. The alternative, a state with no contradiction or self-dividedness, was fascism, and the full power of the state is in the hands of one person.
Bart DePalma doesn't seem too cynical to me. Doesn't everyone in politics hire based on politics? Even justices and other federal judges do it (looking for signals on resumes like Federalist Society or Larry Tribe recommending the applicant). Why are prosecutors, federal or local, any different? They are political actors too, regardless of any hope that they might not be.
If there's a story here, it's that incompetent lawyers were hired. But, that lawyers with political associations or leanings were hired is old news. To the victor goes the spoils, right?
dsc25:
To the victor goes the spoils, right? Better in the original French: "L'etat c'est moi".... Cheers,
matthew wrote: Congress can hold the person accountable for abuse of the power given to the executive office, not the office itself.
That manner of checking executive power didn't work so well for the Roman Republic. (See Julius Caesar.) The Constitution empowers Congress to hold the office accountable, with the power of the purse, among other things. Congress needs to assert its own authority as vigorously as the Executive asserts its. papabear wrote: The 2nd Amendment is, and was always intended to be, the "reset" button for our government I have trouble imagining a citizenry armed with shotguns, or even assault rifles, prevailing against modern tanks. If we were serious about maintaining the ability of the citizenry to violently overthrow their government, then we would preserve unfettered access to information on producing weapons of terrorism. I don't think that would be a good idea. Far better to rely upon civilians' economic power to check their government. dsc25 wrote: Bart DePalma doesn't seem too cynical to me. Doesn't everyone in politics hire based on politics? See arne langsetmo's comment above on the difference between having policy priorities versus using government offices as a tool for partisan entrenchment. That is the crucial distinction.
Administrations may be Republican or Democratic, but never the Justice Department itself.
Do you actually believe this? Was the Clinton era Justice Dept neither Democratic nor Republican? The Kennedy era one, run by JFK's brother? This seems to be deliberate self-deception.
See arne langsetmo's comment above on the difference between having policy priorities versus using government offices as a tool for partisan entrenchment.
If the Democrats do it, it is setting policy priorities, but if the Republicans do it, it is "partisan entrenchment"? How can the two be distinguished, other than by your partisan affiliation? Was Clintons firing of the US Attorneys "setting policy priorities", or was it "partisan entrenchment"? Explain your answer.
When decisions are made to further objectives believed to be in the public good, then it is setting policy objectives.
When decisions are made to further the partisan political asperations of a specific party, then it is partisan entrenchment. For example, deciding to focus prosecutorial resources on public corruption is an appropriate policy objective. By contrast, filing a dubious "voter fraud" indictment two weeks before an election because it will suppress voter turnout and favor your party is inappropriate partisan entrenchment. Sometimes distinguishing the two may be hard; there are certainly gray areas. That's why Congress is holding hearings. From the testimony that I have heard, I don't believe that what occurred falls close to a gray area. I am convinced that some people in the Justice Department (such as Bradley Schlozman) were inappropriately using a government office for partisan entrenchment. (By the way, please forgo the conservative talking points like "Clinton dismissed prosecutors too." Those lines work only on the uninformed. Most everyone reading this blog understands the difference between dismissing prosecutors at the start of an administration ... which both Bushes, Clinton and Reagan all properly did ... versus dismissing a select few prosecutors mid-term.)
Quitealarmed,
Certainly congress can check the power of the executive branch, but they cannot charge the executive branch with misconduct, or abuse of power, which is what I was referring to. For that they charge the person holding the office, challenging the validity of that person’s claim to the office. But this clarification reminds me I forgot to make my point in the previous reply. The question was “How can the executive branch be subject to coercion if it is the source of coercion? More specifically, how can we insure that the Justice Department, which holds the coercive power of the federal government, abides by and enforces the law?” My answer: The executive branch cannot be subject to coercion, but the person occupying the executive office can be (once removed from office.) It is this non-identification between office and office-holder, implicit in congress’s right to impeach, that essentially prevents sovereignty from accumulating in the executive branch. Before Bush, the opinion was that a great deal more in the constitution prevented this accumulation of power, but it turns out that much of this can be circumvented by clever lawyers (Addington). Impeachment remains, however. thanks so much i like very so much your post حلي الاوريو الفطر الهندي صور تورتة حلى قهوه طريقة عمل السينابون طريقة عمل بلح الشام بيتزا هت كيكة الزبادي حلا سهل صور كيك عجينة العشر دقائق طريقة عمل الدونات طريقة عمل البان كيك طريقة عمل الكنافة طريقة عمل البسبوسة طريقة عمل الكيك طريقة عمل عجينة البيتزا فوائد القرفه
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افضل شركة نظافه عامه بتبوك وذلك لمميزاتها المتعددة ومن أهم مميزاتها تحافظ على المنازل وعلى صلاحيتها وجمالها وعدم حدوث اى أضرار له وهذا ما تفعله شركتنا للحفاظ على أشياء العملاء لانهم يهتمون بكل شىء يخص عملائهم كما أن شركتنا تمتلك عمال ذات خبره عاليه فى مجال شركة تنظيف منازل بتبوك التنظيف الشامل من تنظيف منازل وقصور وفلل وبيوت كما لديهم عمال مدربين يقدمون لحضراتكم أفضل تنظيف وكل هذا واكثر سوف تجدونه فى شركة نظافة عامة بتبوك فهذة الشركة لديها متخصصين أصحاب خبره كبيرة ولديهم عمال محترفين ومدربين على هذا المجال وأيضا نقوم بعمل تنظيف للانتريهات والآثاث والرخام والزجاج والمراتب والستائر والحمامات التى يجب تنظيفها بشكل دائم شركة تنظيف خزانات بتبوك وغسيل الأرضيات مهما كانت صعوبة الأرضيات وبمختلف انواعها من السيراميك او الرخام وغيرها والأسقف والحوائط وأن الكثير من أعمال النظافة تقولم بها وخدمات شاملة كما أن شركتنا تستخدم أحدث المعدات والأدوات الخاصه بالنظافة أدوات فعاله ومن أفضل الأدوات الحديثة والمتطورة المتواجدة فى الاسواق وايضا تمتلك شركتنا قسم لتنظيف الزجاج والأرضيات والرخام ومن اجل كل هذه الخدمات فاننا نعتبر شركة مكافحة حشرات بتبوك من احسن الشركات التى تعمل فى مجال التنظيف واننا نعمل من اجل ارضاء عملائنا الكرام فشركتنا الاولى بالمملكة وانتظروا المزيد عندما تتعاملون معنا شركة تنظيف بتبوك شركة نظافة عامة بالخبر نظافة فلل وشقق وقصور توضح لنا ان شركة تنظيف منازل بتبوك الشعور بالتميز والانفراد أمرا بالغ الأهمية هل فكرت يوما أن تتعامل مع أفضل شركة نظافة فلل وقصور تقوم باحداث عملية تغيير شامل للمكان الذى تعيش فيه مع اضفاء شركة تنظيف خزانات بتبوك جمال يختلف عن أى مكان أخر مع شركة نظافه فلل لدينا كافة الامكانيات والأدوات شركة تنظيف مسابح بالرياض التى تستخدمها لجعلك أنت الأفضل والأرقى فمع الانشغال بالحياة اليومية يمكنك أن تترك نظافه الفيلا الخاصة بك لدى شركتنا التى سوف تشعرك بالسعادة والراحة الداخلية نظرا لاضفاء شركة مكافحة حشرات بتبوك اللمسة الجمالية على المكان الذى تعيش فيه قسم خاص للنظافه العامه نظافة فلل شقق قصور ونظافة خزانات بيوت الشعر مجالس موكيت وجهات زجاجية او رخام جلى بلاط رخام تلميع سيراميك كشف تسربات المياه عمل جميع العوازل خزانات اسطح نظافة مطابخ حمامات دريش نظافة خزان وشكراا
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Books by Balkinization Bloggers Linda C. McClain and Aziza Ahmed, The Routledge Companion to Gender and COVID-19 (Routledge, 2024) David Pozen, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford University Press, 2024) Jack M. Balkin, Memory and Authority: The Uses of History in Constitutional Interpretation (Yale University Press, 2024) Mark A. Graber, Punish Treason, Reward Loyalty: The Forgotten Goals of Constitutional Reform after the Civil War (University of Kansas Press, 2023) Jack M. Balkin, What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Most Controversial Decision - Revised Edition (NYU Press, 2023) Andrew Koppelman, Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed (St. Martin’s Press, 2022) Gerard N. Magliocca, Washington's Heir: The Life of Justice Bushrod Washington (Oxford University Press, 2022) Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugaric, Power to the People: Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism (Oxford University Press 2021). Mark Philip Bradley and Mary L. Dudziak, eds., Making the Forever War: Marilyn B. Young on the Culture and Politics of American Militarism Culture and Politics in the Cold War and Beyond (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021). Jack M. Balkin, What Obergefell v. Hodges Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Same-Sex Marriage Decision (Yale University Press, 2020) Frank Pasquale, New Laws of Robotics: Defending Human Expertise in the Age of AI (Belknap Press, 2020) Jack M. Balkin, The Cycles of Constitutional Time (Oxford University Press, 2020) Mark Tushnet, Taking Back the Constitution: Activist Judges and the Next Age of American Law (Yale University Press 2020). Andrew Koppelman, Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty?: The Unnecessary Conflict (Oxford University Press, 2020) Ezekiel J Emanuel and Abbe R. Gluck, The Trillion Dollar Revolution: How the Affordable Care Act Transformed Politics, Law, and Health Care in America (PublicAffairs, 2020) Linda C. McClain, Who's the Bigot?: Learning from Conflicts over Marriage and Civil Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2020) Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin, Democracy and Dysfunction (University of Chicago Press, 2019) Sanford Levinson, Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies (Duke University Press 2018) Mark A. Graber, Sanford Levinson, and Mark Tushnet, eds., Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? (Oxford University Press 2018) Gerard Magliocca, The Heart of the Constitution: How the Bill of Rights became the Bill of Rights (Oxford University Press, 2018) Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson, Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today (Peachtree Publishers, 2017) Brian Z. Tamanaha, A Realistic Theory of Law (Cambridge University Press 2017) Sanford Levinson, Nullification and Secession in Modern Constitutional Thought (University Press of Kansas 2016) Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading The Federalist in the 21st Century (Yale University Press 2015) Stephen M. Griffin, Broken Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform (University Press of Kansas, 2015) Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information (Harvard University Press, 2015) Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard University Press, 2014) Balkinization Symposium on We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution Joseph Fishkin, Bottlenecks: A New Theory of Equal Opportunity (Oxford University Press, 2014) Mark A. Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism (Oxford University Press, 2013) John Mikhail, Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls' Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgment (Cambridge University Press, 2013) Gerard N. Magliocca, American Founding Son: John Bingham and the Invention of the Fourteenth Amendment (New York University Press, 2013) Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |