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Tuesday, August 22, 2006
Is a Federal Tax on Damages for Emotional Distress Unconstitutional?
Marty Lederman
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit today held that a federal statute, which imposes a tax on awards of compensatory damages for emotional distress and loss of reputation, is unconstitutional because such awards are not "income" within the meaning of the Sixteenth Amendment.
Comments:
Section 9 is not the only part of the original text that restricts the tax power. Section 2 of Article I states ". . . direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers . . . ."
Your reading of the 16th Amendment as a clarification of the taxing power, and not restricted to income, is inconsistent with Supreme Court precedent on the issue. As the DC circuit states, the courts have interpreted the term "income" in the 16th Amendment, as explained in Eisner and Glenshaw Glass. The critical distinction is that compensatory awards are not income, but instead an asset which the plaintiff already has. In contrast, noncompensatory awards, such as punitive damages are not the plaintiff's unless and until they are awarded. A tranfer of an asset may be taxed, but possession of the asset may not.
I was under the impression that prior to the Sixteenth, it was understood that the federal government did not have the power to levy income taxes at all. In that case the amendment would be giving the government an enumerated power. If I'm right it's a lot easier to rationalize the DC court's ruling.
I was under the impression that prior to the Sixteenth, it was understood that the federal government did not have the power to levy income taxes at all. In that case the amendment would be giving the government an enumerated power.
Congress has always had the power to levy taxes, including income taxes. Art. I, Sec. 8 specifically enumerates a general power to tax. The issue resolved by the 16A was that income taxes could be levied without apportionment as might otherwise be required under Art. I, Sec. 9.
Because the government cannot take a random piece of your arm, the government cannot tax your compensatory judgment.
The power to tax is plenary. Congress can tax anything it wants. The tax may be unwise, it may be subject to the direct/indirect restrictions, but the subjects of potential taxation are unlimited.
The power to tax is plenary. Congress can tax anything it wants. The tax may be unwise, it may be subject to the direct/indirect restrictions, but the subjects of potential taxation are unlimited.
Ummm, no. There are restrictions to the taxing power. 1)Article I, sections 2 and 9. As they stood at the beginning of the Constitution, any direct tax (and yes an income tax is a direct tax--see the definitions given by the IRS, see http://www.irs.gov/app/understandingTaxes/jsp/tools_glossary.jsp) could only be a poll tax. The 16th Amendment altered this status to allow income taxes. It does not allow any other direct taxes. To say that the taxing power is plenary renders either of these clauses a nullity. 2) Fifth Amendment Due Process and Takings Clause. A tax on possessions, rather than income, can and should be considered a taking. The estate and gift taxes are not contrary to this rule because there is no one from whom there is a taking. In the case of the estate tax, the taking can't be from the decedent, since he's dead and therefore has no rights. Further, there is no taking from an heir, because the tax is assessed prior to the heir's receiving any inheritance.
CO:
1. Congress can still enact any and all direct taxes. It's only the way it does so which is restricted. 2. Every tax is a "taking".
Mark,
Your view contradicts 86 years of Supreme Court precedent. Eisner: the taxing power extends to any gain derived from capital or labor. 252 U.S. 189 (1920). Burk-Waggoner: Congress cannot make a thing income which it is not so in fact. 269 U.S. 110 (1925) Do you have any support for your "breathtakingly expansive" (the DC Circuit Court's term) interpretation? Again, is there an argument that does not render the 2 clauses of Article I (not to mention the 16th Amendment) nugatory?
It is true that taxation of wages is generally not a direct tax. However, while taxation on some forms of income is not direct, to tax any and all forms of income, such as appreciation of capital, necessarily involves a direct tax.
In Murphy, the tax being levied is certainly a direct tax, since it taxes an amount which Murphy owned before the Court's judgment (which recognized an existing right rather than created a right). A direct tax can only be levied on income, and since the award was not income, but instead to make someone whole, it is unconstitutional.
A direct tax can only be levied on income, and since the award was not income, but instead to make someone whole, it is unconstitutional.
No, you're still confusing two different issues. A direct tax can be levied on ANYthing. When Congress does levy one, however, it has to do so within the restrictions of Art. I, Sec. 9. The 16A modifies Sec. 9, not Sec. 8. It does not allow a new tax, it allows an old tax to be levied in a different way. Burk-Waggoner: Congress cannot make a thing income which it is not so in fact. 269 U.S. 110 (1925) This, again, has to do with the difference between Sec. 8 and Sec. 9, NOT the power of Congress to tax. Do you have any support for your "breathtakingly expansive" (the DC Circuit Court's term) interpretation? Federalist 34. Note this passage in particular: "Constitutions of civil government are not to be framed upon a calculation of existing exigencies, but upon a combination of these with the probable exigencies of ages, according to the natural and tried course of human affairs. Nothing, therefore, can be more fallacious than to infer the extent of any power, proper to be lodged in the national government, from an estimate of its immediate necessities. There ought to be a CAPACITY to provide for future contingencies as they may happen; and as these are illimitable in their nature, it is impossible safely to limit that capacity. It is true, perhaps, that a computation might be made with sufficient accuracy to answer the purpose of the quantity of revenue requisite to discharge the subsisting engagements of the Union, and to maintain those establishments which, for some time to come, would suffice in time of peace. But would it be wise, or would it not rather be the extreme of folly, to stop at this point, and to leave the government intrusted with the care of the national defense in a state of absolute incapacity to provide for the protection of the community against future invasions of the public peace, by foreign war or domestic convulsions? If, on the contrary, we ought to exceed this point, where can we stop, short of an indefinite power of providing for emergencies as they may arise?" Eisner: the taxing power extends to any gain derived from capital or labor. 252 U.S. 189 (1920). That's a description, not a limit. Yes, it does include those things. It also includes other things. Property taxes, for example, or poll taxes. The power is plenary.
There are people who view our government as totally a creature of the Constitution, with such attributes, and only such attributes, as the Constitution grants it. Judging by that pesky "ink blot", the 10th amendment, the founders of this nation belonged to that school of thought.
Then there are those who have floating in the backs of their heads the vision of a Platonic ideal government, where all real world governments are only really "governments" in proportion as they approach that ideal. To such people, the fact that the Constitution may not have mentioned some power or attribute of government that their ideal possesses, is merely evidence that the Constitution is an incomplete description of our government. The Platonic ideal government possesses plenary taxing power, in case you hadn't figured it out.
I hate to go all textualist on someone like Brett, especially since I'm not one in real life and I don't play one on TV, but here's the relevant text of Art. I, Sec. 8:
"The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States..." If there's a limit on the kind of taxes Congress can levy, I don't think even Scalia's eyes can see it.
It does not allow a new tax, it allows an old tax to be levied in a different way.
So in what way are you claiming that such taxes could be levied before the 16th Amendment, and what new ways did the 16th Amendment allow?
And then we get to Article one, Section nine.
"No capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken." Oh, gee, I guess the power to tax wasn't plenary after all.
So in what way are you claiming that such taxes could be levied before the 16th Amendment, and what new ways did the 16th Amendment allow?
Before the 16A they had to be levied "in proportion to the Census" as required by Art. I, Sec. 9. After the 16A, that restriction no longer applied. The point is, the Constitution is silent on the kind of tax which can be levied. It only restricted the manner in which it could be done. Oh, gee, I guess the power to tax wasn't plenary after all. The point I was making was that the power to tax is plenary with respect to the kind of taxes Congress can levy. I agree that it's not plenary with respect to the manner of levy. I thought that was clear from the context. If not, my bad.
The problem might have been that the government does not seem to have brought this up in their brief. I'm at least of the impression that courts don't generally take up arguments that were not brought up by at least one party.
There is also the question of whether this would be a direct tax or an indirect tax. I can see this as being seen as analogous to rent collected on property, which is considered to be a direct tax.
Before the 16A they had to be levied "in proportion to the Census" as required by Art. I, Sec. 9.
This however puts severe restrictions on how an income tax may be collected. Consider Justice Chase's illustrative example: It appears to me that a tax on carriages cannot be laid by the rule of apportionment without very great inequality and injustice. For example, suppose two States equal in census to pay eighty thousand dollars each by a tax on carriages of eight dollars on every carriage; and in one State there are one hundred carriages, and in the other one thousand. The owners of carriages in one State would pay ten times the tax of owners in the other. A., in one State, would pay for his carriage eight dollars; but B., in the other State, would pay for his carriage eighty dollars. Hylton v. U.S., 3 U.S. 171 (1796) Now consider two states with equal population but unequal income. It is apparent that the two states could not have the same percentage of income taxed (to say nothing of the difficulties arising in determining which part of the tax is direct and which is indirect. This would look nothing like any income tax I know. A previous commentator brought up Springer v. U.S. Here is a quote for you from Springer: "The power to levy the tax is a limited one, and if the limits prescribed by law are transcended, the levy is void." Also: "Was the tax here in question a direct tax? If it was, not having been laid according to the requirements of the Constitution, it must be admitted that the laws imposing it, and the proceedings taken under them by the assessor and collector for its imposition and collection, were all void."
After the 16A, that restriction no longer applied.
After the 16th Amendment, that restriction no longer applied to taxes on income. The restriction is still present for direct taxes on anything other than income.
The concept of whether a tax is direct or indirect certainly underwent some evolution. By the time of the 16th Amendment, the conception of a direct tax was broader than in Springer. But even at the time of Springer was a bit broader than what you state. A direct tax was not just a tax on land, but a tax on any income arising from land. This specifically included rents received. A tax on rents is certainly considered an income tax, but it was always considered a direct tax. I agree that not all income taxes are direct--such as a tax on wages, as was at issue in Springer.
I was thinking earlier that the uproar over Murphy reminded me a lot of the uproar over Lopez 11 years ago. In both cases an act thought to be within a plenary power of Congress was held to exceed that power. In both cases there have been apocolyptic predictions that this could be the first stage in a mass overturning of legislation. However, this did not follow from Lopez, although there were certainly many attempts to do so. I suspect that the same will be true after Murphy.
This however puts severe restrictions on how an income tax may be collected. Consider Justice Chase's illustrative example
Agreed -- if income taxes are direct, then there are real problems with trying to collect it. Ironically, Chase gave that example as a reason why the carriage tax should not be considered direct. His position was that the absurdity of the apportionment process was the very reason why it should not be considered a direct tax. The same reasoning could have been applied to the income tax, but Pollock disagreed. After the 16th Amendment, that restriction no longer applied to taxes on income. The restriction is still present for direct taxes on anything other than income. Agreed.
As the Supreme Court noted long ago, the "Congress cannot make a thing income which is not so in fact."...the term "incomes," as understood in 1913, clearly did not include damages received in compensation for a physical personal injury...
I agree! On both counts -- so let's make capital gains exempt from income tax too. 1) They aren't income in fact -- look at the national accounts, such as at www.bea.gov, and you will see capital gains are not included in income. 2) The Court in 1913, and the framers of the 16th, clearly did not consider capital gains to be income. In fact, the Court had held them not to be at least four times. E.g, in 1918 we have Lynch V. Turrish, 247 U.S. 221 striking down income tax on a capital gain realized on a corporate liquidation, approvingly quoting Gray v. Darlington in 1865... 'The mere fact that property has advanced in value between the date of its acquisition and sale does not authorize the imposition of a tax on the amount of the advance. Mere advance in value in no sense constitutes the gains, profits, or income specified by the statute. It constitutes and can be treated merely as increase of capital.' I'm heading down to that District and filing for a tax refund right away.
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Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |