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Balkinization Symposiums: A Continuing List E-mail: Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu David Luban david.luban at gmail.com Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu K. Sabeel Rahman sabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu Compendium of posts on Hobby Lobby and related cases The Anti-Torture Memos: Balkinization Posts on Torture, Interrogation, Detention, War Powers, and OLC The Anti-Torture Memos (arranged by topic) Recent Posts Further Thoughts on Preventing Padilla from "Returning" to the Afghan Battlefield
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Saturday, September 10, 2005
Further Thoughts on Preventing Padilla from "Returning" to the Afghan Battlefield
Marty Lederman As I explain below, in yesterday's Padilla decision, Judge Luttig's analysis is critically dependent on the notion that if the government's allegations are correct, then Padilla's case is factually indistinguishable from Hamdi's. Not so fast. Judge Luttig correctly explains (see pages 10-11) that the controlling opinion of Justice O'Connor in Hamdi was based on the logic that the AUMF authorizes detentions that would be permisible under the laws of armed conflict, and such laws of armed conflict permit detentions of enemy combatants on the battlefield to ensure that such combatants are prevented from returning to the battlefield to fight: "[D]etention to prevent a combatant's return to the battlefield is a fundamental incident of waging war." 124 S. Ct. at 2641. This proposition is the linchpin of Judge Luttig's opinion. Judge Luttig then argues that Padilla, like Hamdi, falls in this category, and was detained in Chicago to prevent his return to fight against the U.S. in Afghanistan. In the very first sentence of his opinion, he alleges that Padilla "took up armes against United States forces" in Afghanistan -- and he repeats this "taking up arms against U.S. forces" theme no fewer than six times in the opinion. Here's how Judge Luttig puts the case for a Padilla/Hamdi equivalence in a nutshell (pp. 11-12): [L]ike Hamdi, Padilla took up arms against United States forces in [Afghanistan] in the same way and to the same extent as did Hamdi [citing the Jeffrey Rapp Declaraion in Padilla and footnote 1 and page 2637 of the O'Connor opinion in Hamdi]. Because, like Hamdi, Padilla is an enemy combatant, and because his detention is no less necessary than was Hamdi's in order to prevent his return to the battlefield, the President is authorized by the AUMF to detain Padilla as a fundamental incident to the conduct of war." Or, as Judge Luttig later summarizes the argument (p.15), "Padilla poses the same threat of returning to the battlefield as Hamdi posed at the time of the Supreme Court's adjudication of Hamdi's petition. Padilla's detention is thus 'necessary and appropriate' [the words of the AUMF] to the same extent as was Hamdi's." Padilla was alleged to have "taken up arms" against U.S. forces in Afghanistan? And he was detained because he posed a threat of returning to battle against the U.S. in Afghanistan? I've received many e-mails from observers who were surprised to hear that that was the the government's new justification for the detention; who have wondered why Padilla's counsel would have conceded such facts, even for purposes of summary judgment; and who concluded after reading the opinion that, hey, if that's what the allegations are, then perhaps there's something to Judge Luttig's logic -- this case does seem to follow directly from Hamdi -- assuming the Government can prove its case. But things are not what they seem. In support of his argument, Judge Luttig relies almost exclusively on the August 2004 Declaration of Jeffrey Rapp, the Director of the DoD Joint Intelligence Task Force for Combatting Terrorism. See pages 17-24 of the Joint Appendix. Rapp paints a picture of a very bad guy, indeed. If the allegations are proven, Padilla certainly deserves to be tried and, if convicted, punished for several felonies (principally conspiracy) and/or war crimes; and perhaps it would even be permissible for the military to subject him to indefinite preventive detention without trial so as ensure that he would not put into action some of the terrible plots that he is alleged to have hatched -- indeed, that preventive executive detention question is the question that everyone assumed the court would answer in yesterday's case. But on reading the Rapp Declaration, two things jump out immediately: First, the allegations contained therein are based on information gleaned from "Padilla's statements during post-capture interrogation." Thus, whether or not such information could be the basis for future detention, it could not have been the basis for Padilla's original apprehension and detention -- in which he was kept in isolation, without access to any attorney or other visitors -- or for the prolonged detention that he suffered before he conveyed such information. Second, Rapp does not say, or even suggest, that Padilla's detention was at any time effected for purposes of preventing him from returning to Afghanistan to take up arms against the U.S. in hostilities there. He does not, in other words, argue that Padilla was detained for the same reasons as was Hamdi, or that (in Judge Luttig's words) Padilla "poses the same threat of returning to the battlefield as Hamdi posed." That is to say, neither Rapp nor (as far as I can tell) the Department of Justice has ever invoked Judge Luttig's "prevention of return to the Afghan battlefield" rationale as the basis for Padilla's detention! Here's what Rapp does attest, in paragraphs 9 and 10 of his Declaration, about Padilla's alleged post-9/11 conduct in Afghanistan (and again, although I have no reason to think the account is untrue, this is based on Padilla's own statements taken during highly coercive interrogation long after he was detained at O'Hare): Once the United States commenced combat operations against the Taliban and al Qaeda in Afghanistan [in late 2001], Padilla and his fellow al Qaeda operatives began moving from safehouse to safehouse in an effort to avoid being bombed by U.S. or coalition forces. In mid-November 2001, an air strike destroyed a safehouse in Afghanistan and killed [al Qaeda Commander Mohammad] Atef. Padilla was staying at a different al Qaeda safehouse that day, but he and other al Qaeda operatives participated in an attempt to rescue survivors and retrieve Atef's body from the rubble. After this attack, Padilla, armed with an assault rifle, along with numerous other al Qaeda operatives, began moving toward the mountainous border with Pakistan near Khoust, Afghanistan, in a further effort to avoid U.S. airstrikes and capture by U.S. forces. Padilla was thus armed and present in a combat zone during armed conflict between al Qaeda/Taliban foces and the armed forces of the United States and its coalition partners. After taking cover in a network of caves and bunkers near Khoust, the al Qaeda operatives, including Padilla, were escorted by Taliban personnel across the border into Pakistan in groups of 15-20. Padila crossed into Pakistan in January 2002. Rapp does not make any allegations of a subsequent return to Afghanistan, of any possible plans for Padilla to return to Afghanistan, or that his detention was in any way motivated by our Government's attempt to prevent him from returning to Afghanistan, to "take up arms" or otherwise. That doesn't sound too much like Hamdi's "carrying a weapon against American troops on a foreign battlefield," Hamdi, 124 S. Ct. at 2642 n.1, now does it? When Hamdi was detained, there was every reason to think that such detention would prevent him from harming U.S. and coalition forces on the battlefield. (The Government's brief in Hamdi alleged that "[i]n late 2001, while Northern Alliance forces were engaged in battle with the Taliban near Konduz, Afghanistan, Hamdi surrendered to Northern Alliance forces—while armed [with an AK-47]—along with a Taliban unit.") More importantly, that's the reason that the Hamdi plurality upheld the detention. But quite obviously, even if one credits everything Rapp writes, there was virtually no basis for fearing that when he was discovered at O'Hare Airport, there was any chance that Padilla would return to Afghanistan to take up arms there. After all, the Rapp Declaration describes a man who was trying desperately to avoid fighting, and to flee from the battlefield, and from Afghanistan, as quickly as humanly possible. Indeed, although Judge Luttig goes to great pains to repeatedly allege that Padilla "took up arms" against U.S. troops in Afghanistan, the Rapp Declaration tends to undermine such a rhetorically weighted characterization -- Padilla never encountered U.S. forces and or aimed his weapon at them; instead, he was successfully in his determination to avoid any contact with U.S. forces. Now, presumably under the law of armed conflict, and thus under the AUMF, Padilla could have been indefinitely detained by the military in Afghanistan, even as he fled, simply because he was "armed and present in a combat zone during armed conflict between al Qaeda/Taliban foces and the armed forces of the United States and its coalition partners" -- in part because forces on the battlefield cannot be expected to carefully distinguish among those armed enemies who are permanently fleeing battle, and those who pose a risk of future hostile return to the battlefield. But the question in the case, as Judge Luttig has framed it, is whether there was any reasonable risk of Padilla's return to the battlefield of Afghanistan when he arrived at O'Hare Airport four months after he left Afghanistan. Nothing in the Rapp Declaration even hints at such a rationale. Accordingly, Judge Luttig is simply wrong in asserting that, according to the Government's allegations, Padilla's detention "is no less necessary than was Hamdi's in order to prevent his return to the battlefield." It was far less necessary! (And that's even assuming what is not in fact the case -- namely, that the FBI knew when it detained Padilla that he had been armed in Afghanistan and had quickly fled for the Pakistan border.) In other words, even putting the Government's allegations in the best possible light, and even assuming arguendo what we should not assume -- namely, that they have some bearing on why Padilla was detained before he conveyed such information in interrogation -- the case is not controlled by the logic or rationale of Hamdi at all, pace Judge Luttig. I want to be clear here: The fact that Judge Luttig's argument does not stand up to scrutiny does not necessarily mean that the outcome of the case is wrong. Judge Luttig's "Hamdi equivalence" argument was not the argument on which the Department of Justice relied. (Caveat: I have not yet thoroughly read through both DOJ briefs and the transcript of argument to see if this rationale appears anywhere -- but it certainly was not the Government's principal argument.) DOJ argued, instead, that Padilla was detained in order to prevent him from undertaking the hostile actions that he is alleged to have planned here in the United States -- on the theory that the homeland is the new "battlefield" in the Global War on Terror. In addition, the Government also has strongly implied what I think was the real reason that Padilla was subject to military detention, rather than treatment in the criminal justice system: because DoD wanted to interrogate him for valuable information outside the constraints (e.g., the presence of lawyers) of the criminal justice system. See page 19 of Judge Luttig's opinion: "[I]n many instances criminal prosecution would impede the Executive in its efforts to gather intelligence from the detainee and to restrict the detainee's communication with confederates so as to ensure that the detainee does not pose a continuing threat to national security even as he is confined –- impediments that would render military detention not only an appropriate, but also the necessary, course of action to be taken in the interest of national security." It is arguable that these rationales might support the indefinite military detention of Padilla -- as opposed to consigning him to the criminal justice system. However: (i) Unlike Judge Luttig's invented-from-whole-cloth "to prevent Padilla's return to battle in Afghanistan" theory, those arguments do not neatly follow as a matter of logic from Hamdi itself; (ii) The second, interrogation-based rationale, is, I submit, foreclosed by Hamdi (I might write about this in another post, time permitting); (iii) The first rationale -- that the "U.S. is a battlefield," and that Padilla could be detained outside the available civil process to prevent him from hostile conduct here -- is dependent on a particular, and highly contested, reading (and reconciling) of Quirin, Endo, Hamdi and Milligan (basically what Judge Luttig lays out on pages 12-13 and 23-24 of his opinion, in order to "reinforce" his principal argument); and (iv) The facts on which Judge Luttig principally relies -- that Padilla was once armed while fleeing from Afghanistan -- have virtually no bearing on either of these two rationales. Whether Padilla could be detained outside the criminal justice system either because he was a threat to commit terrorist crimes here, or because he may have had valuable intelligence information, is in no way dependent on whether he once carried a rifle in Afghanistan. If those rationales suffice to justify the detention, then they would do so even if he had never stepped foot in Afghanistan; and if they are insufficient, his presence on the Afghan "battlefield" in late 2001 doesn't change an unauthorized detention into an authorized detention. That is to say, unlike in Hamdi -- where the fact the detainee took up arms against the U.S. coalition in Afghanistan was central to the holding -- in this case Padilla's rifle-carrying in Afghanistan is a red herring, and should have little, if any, impact on the resolution of the case. See also Eric Muller's discussion of how the Luttig decision fails adequately to deal with Ex Parte Endo. Posted 5:30 AM by Marty Lederman [link]
Comments:
Briefly, I understand many issues are involved including civil rights and rules of detention. I wonder how the UN or the Arab League would react to US simply placing arrestees in an internationalized due process once captured, whereby if not a US citizen the detainee would default be a UN extranational, or if accepted to a generic supranational citizenship in the Arab League. Of course we could not layer this to religiocentric 'citizen'ship, which would constitute an oxymoron, though it is not so in Islam which somehow makes that nominal amalgam.
I see much of our grasping for definitions of rights for these new quasi-international combatants as the US per force needing to be ahead of the rest of the world which has yet to face the peril of these extranationals. Of course, Padilla had many other unique incidentals which oblige us to examine his rights as a US citizen. However, much of this prosecution fails to contemplate the extranational cause to which the combatants owe fealty; rather, these individuals should be viewed much more like the way we manage the mentally ill persons who belong to social or religious cults, as their motivations are aberrant in the staid sense of common civic law as defined within traditional nationstates. Footnote: I doubt Ms. Rice or Mr. Bolton would touch these concepts with the proverbial ten foot pole. The UN needs another century to address the internationalization of due process. By then our own domestic advocacy will have defined rights for many kinds of these detainees. Reflection: Among many additional themes in Mr. Lederman's important initial post there are several which deserve research and thought. These include the importance of the authorship of Mr. Luttig, as potentially a jurist who might be on the US Supreme Court alongside a Justice Roberts. Another significant highlight in M. Lederman's commentary is Judge Luttig's use of parallelism or homologous congruency where instead similarity would be a safer claim, as the two detainees' conditions upon capture were dissimilar, clearly. Sadly, I must agree with the respondent who observed, above, that insofar as extranational, the ideologue mercenary Padilla if released would find numerous theaters in which to join as a combatant. Also, the issue of coerced un-Miranda information is a glaring imputation in many of these discussions, and rightly so. We are trying to reconcile prisoner rights vis a vis our need to obtain information, and Miranda is headed for the law museum, incrementally, as is much other liberal 1970s US legislation including civil rights and EPA, should Roberts and other exiles populate SCOTUS.
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That covers all the WWII POWs, so nobody ever tried to charge them. The current problem with both of these is the word "nation". Al Qaeda has a geographical locus but its affiliation is more religious than national. By itself that raises First Amendment issues. So before you can charge Treason, you have to open the entire can of worms to even determine if Padilla really is still a citizen. Then you have to show that prosecution for Treason wasn't blocked by his designation as a POW. Finally you need two witnesses. Now the US has two very good witnesses (Kahlid Sheikh Mohammed and Ramzi Binalshibh) but we have buried them deep in a black hole and definately do not want to bring them to a public court.
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Books by Balkinization Bloggers ![]() Linda C. McClain and Aziza Ahmed, The Routledge Companion to Gender and COVID-19 (Routledge, 2024) ![]() David Pozen, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford University Press, 2024) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, Memory and Authority: The Uses of History in Constitutional Interpretation (Yale University Press, 2024) ![]() Mark A. Graber, Punish Treason, Reward Loyalty: The Forgotten Goals of Constitutional Reform after the Civil War (University of Kansas Press, 2023) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Most Controversial Decision - Revised Edition (NYU Press, 2023) ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Burning Down the House: How Libertarian Philosophy Was Corrupted by Delusion and Greed (St. Martin’s Press, 2022) ![]() Gerard N. Magliocca, Washington's Heir: The Life of Justice Bushrod Washington (Oxford University Press, 2022) ![]() Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) Mark Tushnet and Bojan Bugaric, Power to the People: Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism (Oxford University Press 2021). ![]() Mark Philip Bradley and Mary L. Dudziak, eds., Making the Forever War: Marilyn B. Young on the Culture and Politics of American Militarism Culture and Politics in the Cold War and Beyond (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021). ![]() Jack M. Balkin, What Obergefell v. Hodges Should Have Said: The Nation's Top Legal Experts Rewrite America's Same-Sex Marriage Decision (Yale University Press, 2020) ![]() Frank Pasquale, New Laws of Robotics: Defending Human Expertise in the Age of AI (Belknap Press, 2020) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, The Cycles of Constitutional Time (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Mark Tushnet, Taking Back the Constitution: Activist Judges and the Next Age of American Law (Yale University Press 2020). ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Gay Rights vs. Religious Liberty?: The Unnecessary Conflict (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Ezekiel J Emanuel and Abbe R. Gluck, The Trillion Dollar Revolution: How the Affordable Care Act Transformed Politics, Law, and Health Care in America (PublicAffairs, 2020) ![]() Linda C. McClain, Who's the Bigot?: Learning from Conflicts over Marriage and Civil Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2020) ![]() Sanford Levinson and Jack M. Balkin, Democracy and Dysfunction (University of Chicago Press, 2019) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies (Duke University Press 2018) ![]() Mark A. Graber, Sanford Levinson, and Mark Tushnet, eds., Constitutional Democracy in Crisis? (Oxford University Press 2018) ![]() Gerard Magliocca, The Heart of the Constitution: How the Bill of Rights became the Bill of Rights (Oxford University Press, 2018) ![]() Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson, Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today (Peachtree Publishers, 2017) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, A Realistic Theory of Law (Cambridge University Press 2017) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Nullification and Secession in Modern Constitutional Thought (University Press of Kansas 2016) ![]() Sanford Levinson, An Argument Open to All: Reading The Federalist in the 21st Century (Yale University Press 2015) ![]() Stephen M. Griffin, Broken Trust: Dysfunctional Government and Constitutional Reform (University Press of Kansas, 2015) ![]() Frank Pasquale, The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information (Harvard University Press, 2015) ![]() Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution (Harvard University Press, 2014) Balkinization Symposium on We the People, Volume 3: The Civil Rights Revolution ![]() Joseph Fishkin, Bottlenecks: A New Theory of Equal Opportunity (Oxford University Press, 2014) ![]() Mark A. Graber, A New Introduction to American Constitutionalism (Oxford University Press, 2013) ![]() John Mikhail, Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls' Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgment (Cambridge University Press, 2013) ![]() Gerard N. Magliocca, American Founding Son: John Bingham and the Invention of the Fourteenth Amendment (New York University Press, 2013) ![]() Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2013) Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013) ![]() James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012) ![]() Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012) ![]() Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012) ![]() Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011) ![]() Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011) ![]() Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011) ![]() Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011) ![]() Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010) ![]() Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic ![]() Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010) ![]() Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010) Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009) ![]() Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009) ![]() Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009) ![]() Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009) Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009) ![]() Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008) ![]() David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) ![]() Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007) ![]() Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007) ![]() Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006) ![]() Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006) Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006) Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006) Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006) Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005) Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |