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Balkinization  

Thursday, August 06, 2009

More on China's NGOs and GONGOs

Lauren Hilgers

A year ago, even as China locked down in preparation for the Beijing Olympics, things seemed to be looking up for NGOs.  The earthquake in Sichuan had seen a surge in charitable giving and volunteerism; the state seemed to be recognizing the worth of a vibrant, if well-monitored civil society.  A year later, this optimism has given way to a series of arrests, closures and criminal trials targeting China's activists and non-profit organizations.


It's become clear, in the past two months, that China is cracking down.  In addition to shuttering the open-constitution initiative (or, in Chinese, Gongmeng), Chinese authorities have raided Yi Ren Ping, a non-profit serving sufferers of Hepatitis B.  Xu Zhiyong, the legal representative of Gongmeng, disappeared last week and two activists who criticized the government after the Sichuan earthquake are scheduled to go on trial this month.   


No one is quite sure why China has chosen this moment to tighten its grip on lawyers and non-profit organizations.  It could be that the central government is nervous about the upcoming 60th anniversary of the People's Republic--Beijing is planning an elaborate show for the October first holiday.  It could be that they were shaken by the recent riots in Xinjiang.  Whatever the reason, the recent crackdown is not a great sign for China's NGOs.



This is primarily true for the NGOs registered as corporations rather than social organizations.  Even last year, when spirits were high, China's NGOs were split down the middle.  Those organizations willing to submit to some degree of government control can register as social organizations.  To do this, they must obtain sponsorship from a government department and receive approval from the Ministry of Civil Affairs.  Other organizations, those that deal in issues that China considers sensitive, or those that simply want to avoid government involvement, generally register as corporations.  


The Open Constitution Initiative, an NGO registered as a corporation, was never an organization suited to direct government supervision.  Gongmeng's lawyers, one of whom was disbarred earlier this summer, took on cases that China's authorities might rather have handled without involving China's judicial system.  In one of their most famous cases, Gongmeng lawyers represented the families impacted by the Sanlu milk scandal.  They negotiated financial compensation for the victims, overshadowing a government-backed payment scheme (offering the families much lower compensation) already in the works.  


While Gongmeng's plight and Xu Zhiyong's recent disappearance is sure to make many non-profits pause, there is an interesting foil to the current crackdown. In the past month or so, the All-China Environmental Federation, a government-operated NGO (or GONGO) has filed two court cases against local authorities (both have been referenced in the media as the first of their kind).  In one case, the Jiangyin Port Container Co. Ltd, located in Wuxi city, is accused of damaging air and water quality in the surrounding residential areas.  The second case, in Guizhou Province, takes on the Qingzhen Land Resources Bureau for leasing out land in an environmentally sensitive area to a drinks and ice cream processing plant.  


Both cases have been accepted by local courts and should be going to trial in the next few months.


In an interview with the AP, Ma Yong, the director of the legal service center at the ACEF said that this was the beginning of a trend a the federation.  "The case will serve as a warning for government departments and companies that damage the environment, as we're stepping up efforts to play a supervisory role."  


Of course, what Ma Yong is talking about is a government controlled organization taking on other arms of the government.  Xu Zhiyong and the Gongmeng lawyers, on the other hand, worked within the parameters of the Chinese legal system, but outside of the Party's control.  Their goals could and did diverge with those of the central government.  

The ACEF is helping to enforce a policy that has already been emphasized by the central government--environmental protection. This model of activism looks to be the one preferred in Beijing.  


Tuesday, August 04, 2009

Citizens United and the Rules of Judicial Craft

Heather K. Gerken

The briefs are flooding in for the Citizens United case, where the Supreme Court unexpectedly ended the Term not by issuing a decision, but by ordering the parties to submit additional briefs on whether the Court should overrule Austin v. Michigan Chambers of Commerce (the case upholding limits on corporate spending in candidate elections). The Court's order has generated something of a cocktail party game among election law scholars. We take turns naming which aspect of the order we find the most surprising. That the Court would consider reversing a key portion of its decision in McConnell v. FEC after a scant six years? That the Court might overrule Austin? That after making much of its statesmanship in avoiding the constitutional question in its recent Voting Rights Act case, it might ignore the canon of constitutional avoidance here? That the Court might invalidate restrictions on corporate spending dating back a century in one form or another?

Here's mine. I am stunned that the Court would think that an expedited briefing schedule is a remotely plausible substitute for a fully developed record. It's a point nicely made in the amicus brief filed by the DNC (in the interest of full disclosure, I should note that I informally kibitzed on the arguments in the DNC brief). While the First Amendment issues at stake in Citizens United are technically questions of law (something that one could imagine resolving after additional briefing), they turn on complicated questions of fact. It's not just that the regulatory scheme here is dense and intricate. The whole system is dense and intricate. Decisions made about one form of spending can have a powerful ripple effect. Even seemingly minor changes can affect how parties work, even how politics work. And the Court doesn't seem to be contemplating a minor change. Overruling Austin would blow a sizeable hole in the regulatory scheme.

A flurry of briefs filed in a short time period cannot possibly do justice to these difficult questions. The last time there was a major campaign finance question on the table -- the challenge to McCain-Feingold in 2003 -- the district court opinion took up 743 pages in the Federal Supplement. No, that is not a typo.

You might think that facts shouldn't matter here. Either the restrictions on corporate spending are constitutional, or they aren't. Damn the torpedoes, full steam ahead. But that's not how campaign finance doctrine works; it's not even how the First Amendment works. Context matters. That's why the Court spends time thinking about whether, say, newspapers are different from television stations. That's why the First Amendment applies differently to schools than it does to the public square.

What is true of constitutional law generally is certainly true of the domain of politics. Elections are strange constitutional hybrids; they involve activities at the core of the First Amendment's protections and yet are pervasively regulated by the state. As a result, election law has always been exceptional, prompting scholars to insist that constitutional law simply can't be applied wholesale to election law.

If the Court wants to reconsider Austin, it is easy enough to do so. It need only offer a rather pointed hint in its Citizens United opinion and wait until a case travels through a trial court so that a proper record can be assembled.


I would still be against overruling Austin. I have always been a bit of a campaign finance skeptic. But the small donor revolution we saw in 2008 offers us an unusual opportunity to rethink campaign finance, to move away from the "keep money out of politics" vision of campaign finance toward an approach that harnesses politics to fix politics. But at least if the Court overruled Austin in the proper course, with a full record before it, we would be quarreling about the merits of the decision, not about something as basic as the rules of judicial craft.


Saturday, August 01, 2009

William Van Alstyne responds

Guest Blogger

William Van Alstyne

A few days ago, Jack Balkin posted an SSRN reference to a forthcoming piece of mine titled "The Unbearable Lightness of Marriage in the Abortion Decisions of the Supreme Court." He courteously sent me an email, providing an attached copy, with an expression of hope that he had not "mischaracterized" what I wrote. I thought that he had done so in a variety of ways, and at once wrote him back to say so, with a few paragraphs as merely a start to a longer reply.
After reflecting on the matter over the weekend, however, I decided against the idea. Frankly, it is too reminiscent of the endless exchanges Raoul Berger got into whenever anyone wrote something less than flattering of something he had offered in print. (It was all too much like pleadings at common law, i.e., complaint, answer, rejoinder, surrejoinder, rebuttal, surrebuttal. If nothing else, it could rightly be said of Raoul Berger that he was "indefatigable," i.e., Raoul let no critic go unanswered, determined always to have the last word, no matter what).
On reflection, it seems far better to thank Jack for drawing attention to my SSRN-posted essay, with the suggestion to the many readers of his blog just to read what I wrote, judge the matter for themselves, and leave it at that. To the extent they find it wanting, well, that's quite all right. Still, at the end of the day, it will be quite nice that it may thus achieve a wider audience than I had any reason to expect.



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