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Balkinization
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Saturday, October 02, 2004
debating prison abuse
Ian Ayres
The first debate curriously paid little attention to the abuse at Abu Ghraib prison. It is understandable why President Bush would want to avoid the topic. But it is a little troubling that Kerry has fallen silent on this issue. I worry that Kerry thinks that talking about the human rights of Iraqis makes him look soft on terror. There was a time when Kerry a while ago was willing to speak out on this issue. But now adays he just wants to track down and kill terrorists. Most perplexing though is that Jim Lehrer did not raise the subject. That's one of the most important roles of a commentator -- to ask the questions that neither candidate wants to raise. He might have asked: "Did the prison abuse of coalition soldiers tend to undermine the human rights justification for the invasion?" Saddam killed and abused many of his citizens in the past. But would Saddam with weapons inspectors scurry around his country during the last months have killed more innocent Iraqis and abused more prisoner's than coalition forces have?"
Friday, October 01, 2004
Standing Tall
JB
One feature of last night's debate that I was particularly interested in was how often the cameras showed both Bush and Kerry in the same shot. Kerry is much taller than Bush, and Bush has a habit of hunching over the lectern slightly when he wishes to emphasize his sincerity, which makes him seem even a bit shorter than he actually is.
It turns out, for whatever reason, that the taller of the two presidential candidates usually wins the election. I am informed that this trend goes back all the way to the beginning of the country's history, although, if true, I don't know how anyone could have found a candidate shorter than James Madison. The last exception to this general trend occurred in 2000, when George Bush assumed the Presidency rather than Al Gore (but of course we all know who *really* won that election.)
Begging To Differ
JB
One of my former students, Jennifer Chacon, sends in her assessment of the debate:
Kerry's challenge was not to appear "transformative". What he needed to do was present himself as someone who would continue waging the "wars" that have been started on the watch of the incumbent, but who would do it better. He didn't need to present a message of transformation; he needed to relay a message of plans for thoughtful and improved continuity. This, I think he did competently.
Most of the undecided voters I know (don't ask me how I came to be related to so many "undecided" types) are wavering not because they favor what Bush is doing, but because they are concerned about changing horses midstream. I wish I was kidding. This seems like a terrible reason to vote for Bush from my perspective, and probably from yours. But you should have no doubt that there is a real concern (no matter how irrational it may seem) that switching bosses in the midst of a swirling foreign crisis abroad and low-level domestic panic at home will open the country up to unspecified grave dangers. Bush thrives on that message. Kerry's real job tonight was to let people know that he could competently pick up the reins and steer us -- smoothly -- in a new, but not radically different, direction. Thursday, September 30, 2004
A Transformative Election Without A Transformative Candidate
JB
I caught the debates tonight. Both candidates acquitted themselves well, but in the current political context this is greatly to the advantage of Bush.
Political scientist Walter Dean Burnham famously argued that American democracy features pivotal and transformative elections, (which Burnham called "critical elections") during which the parties realign, new political collations form, and one party begins to dominate. These elections occur roughly every 36 years; examples are the elections of 1824, 1860, 1896, 1932, and 1968. The last major transformative election of this sort-- i.e., one that produced a major realignment-- occurred in 1968, as the New Deal coalition began dissolved and the South moved from the Democratic to the Republican parties. The 1980 and 1994 elections confirmed and solidified this change. Thirty-six years from 1968 is 2004. Thus, the time is ripe for another transformative election, one in which, one might think, the Democrats would form a new winning coalition.
The problem is that the current Democratic presidential candidate, John Kerry, does not appear to be a transformative candidate. He does not offer a message of transformation. Rather, he offers a message of greater competence and better judgment in prosecuting the war on terror. 2004 will not be a transformative election unless the people of the United States see a clear choice between the status quo and a new approach, and believe that by choosing one candidate they are making a decisive change in the direction of the country. Although it is certainly possible that Kerry might produce such a change, there are few signs of this in his campaign or in the way he delivers his message. This is probably his greatest weakness as a candidate. He is offering competence and judgment when he should be offering a decisively different vision for leadership. He should be campaigning for a decisive rejection of the politics of the past and offer a bold vision for the future. This, so far, he has failed to do.
There are two possible explanations of the current situation. One is that the country is indeed ripe for a transformative election, but it will not occur until 2008, when, tried of eight years of incompetence and kleptocracy by George W. Bush, the people of the United States will decisively reject his policies. The other, and far more troubling possibility from my perspective, is that 2004 is indeed a transformative election, but the transformative candidate is George W. Bush, who is ushering in a long-term Republican majority.
If the second scenario holds, the best analogy would be to the 1896 election, in which the Republicans forged a new winning coalition that replaced the configuration that emerged directly after the Civil War. The Republicans dominated the Presidency from 1860 to 1896, and they dominated the Presidency from 1896 to 1932, but the Republican Party had changed greatly in the interim.
I hope that the second scenario does not come to pass. If it does, I fear greatly for the future of my country, for the new Republican party that Bush appears to symbolize is a toxic combination of plutocracy, intolerance, and foreign misadventure.
Wednesday, September 29, 2004
Ashcroft: We Need More Death
JB
Attorney General Ashcroft is unhappy that juries around the country seem less and less interested in killing people, the Los Angeles Times reports:
A small number of federal districts, including pockets of Texas and Virginia, were accounting for the bulk of death cases. Experts decried the geographical disparities.
For Ashcroft, an ardent supporter of capital punishment, the solution was to seek the death penalty more often and more widely.
Since then, he has pushed federal prosecutors around the country — often over their objections — to be more aggressive in identifying prosecutions that could qualify as federal capital cases. Much of that effort has been in states that have banned or rarely impose capital punishment.
But Ashcroft's quiet campaign, which has been overshadowed by his prosecution of terrorism cases, has made few inroads.
With public support for the death penalty in decline, jurors have rebuffed calls for the death penalty in 23 of the 34 federal capital cases tried since 2001, according to the Federal Death Penalty Resource Counsel Project, a court- funded group that assists defense lawyers in capital cases. Whether one supports or opposes the ability of the state to sentence people to death, one should applaud rather than decry the fact that juries in this country seem less willing to impose it. That trend has been produced by the individual decisions of members of the local communities all over the United States, who are supposed to represent, however imperfectly, the conscience of their communities. Even if one grants, as one must, that prosecutors and existing legal precedents play a role in the decrease in jury sentences of death, the trend is clear.
Juries all over the country are telling the courts that death is a matter of last resort, to be used sparingly, and only in the most serious cases. In many places they do not want it to be used at all. This is not timidity. It is not lack of empathy for victims. It is not insufficient concern with justice. It is civilization. By comparison with these juries all around the country, who regard the taking of a criminal defendant's life with supreme seriousness, Attorney General Ashcroft seems a savage, bloodthirsty brute.
Why is such a man the nation's chief law enforcement officer?
Tuesday, September 28, 2004
Remember the Election of 2000
JB
It seems that the ghost of Bush v. Gore is rising again to haunt American democracy. A recent Vanity Fair article has sparked renewed attention about the 2000 Election, and about the badly reasoned Bush v. Gore opinion. Jeff Rosen has pointed out in the New Republic that the political parties are gearing up for fights over recounts along the example of the 2000 election, making use of Bush v. Gore as a precedent. And there is the possibility that there will be a constitutional challenge to Colorado's referendum proposal to split the state's electoral votes by percentage of the popular vote received, based on arguments first offered in Bush v. Gore.
After the last election I did a painstaking legal analysis of both Bush v. Gore and the work of the Florida Supreme Court that led to it. You can find that article here. I concluded that, despite the many criticisms the Florida Supreme Court has received, it didn't do all that bad a job, given the statute it had to work with, and the most controversial judgments it did make (for example, changing the date of certification) weren't essential to the ultimate outcome. When you look at the statutory framework carefully, you discover that, all in all, the Florida Supreme Court has gotten a bum rap. On the other hand, the Bush v. Gore decision-- especially the part concerning the remedy-- was really quite shoddy. Several academics have offered articles defending the decision, but you really have to rewrite the opinion to do that. The decision that the Court actually produced doesn't make that much sense, and it strongly suggests (perish the thought) that ideological considerations may have (consciously or unconsciously) influenced the Justices.
But the important point to remember, as we head toward another election, is that neither the Florida Supreme Court nor the U.S. Supreme Court would have been involved at all, but for another very serious violation of law. Operatives of the Florida Republican Party violated the federal Voting Rights Act by keeping a sizeable number of blacks from voting using inaccurate lists of disqualified felons. For the details, see the discussion in the first pages of this article, written in 2001.
People go on and on about the butterfly ballot, and Bush v. Gore, but the real tragedy of the 2000 election was the calculated and ultimately successful disenfranchisement of African-American voters. This is the real injury to democracy that occurred in 2000, and there is every sign that supporters of the current Administration are up to their old tricks again, not only in Florida, but in other states as well.
I consider myself second to no one in my disdain for the way the Supreme Court conducted itself in Bush v. Gore. But in the larger scheme of things, Bush v. Gore was small potatoes. The real injury to democracy in 2000, and the real threat today, is the theft of the franchise by political operatives who will stop at nothing to keep their party in power.
Monday, September 27, 2004
"Plagiarism" correction and elaboration
Mark Tushnet
It's been pointed out to me that my assertion that I hadn't read Balkin's book was incorrect -- or, at least, that if I hadn't read it I shouldn't have written a blurb for the jacket! Indeed, I did read the book in manuscript for purposes of writing a blurb (although it remains true that I haven't read "the book" understood to refer to the thing between hard covers). [I don't blurb books that I haven't read at least in manuscript.]
Sunday, September 26, 2004
"Plagiarism" by Legal Academics
Mark Tushnet
The recent flap regarding Charles Ogletree's work and some follow-ups going after, among others, Laurence Tribe prompt me to recount some incidents in my scholarly life. [Disclosure: I read Professor Ogletree's book in manuscript and did not catch the material drawn from Jack Balkin -- I hope because (my bad) I hadn't read Balkin's book.]
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Books by Balkinization Bloggers Andrew Koppelman, The Tough Luck Constitution and the Assault on Health Care Reform (Oxford University Press, 2013)
James E. Fleming and Linda C. McClain, Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues (Harvard University Press, 2013) Balkinization Symposium on Ordered Liberty: Rights, Responsibilities, and Virtues
Andrew Koppelman, Defending American Religious Neutrality (Harvard University Press, 2013)
Brian Z. Tamanaha, Failing Law Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2012)
Sanford Levinson, Framed: America's 51 Constitutions and the Crisis of Governance (Oxford University Press, 2012)
Linda C. McClain and Joanna L. Grossman, Gender Equality: Dimensions of Women's Equal Citizenship (Cambridge University Press, 2012)
Mary Dudziak, War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences (Oxford University Press, 2012)
Jack M. Balkin, Living Originalism (Harvard University Press, 2011)
Jason Mazzone, Copyfraud and Other Abuses of Intellectual Property Law (Stanford University Press, 2011)
Richard W. Garnett and Andrew Koppelman, First Amendment Stories, (Foundation Press 2011)
Jack M. Balkin, Constitutional Redemption: Political Faith in an Unjust World (Harvard University Press, 2011)
Gerard Magliocca, The Tragedy of William Jennings Bryan: Constitutional Law and the Politics of Backlash (Yale University Press, 2011)
Bernard Harcourt, The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order (Harvard University Press, 2010)
Bruce Ackerman, The Decline and Fall of the American Republic (Harvard University Press, 2010) Balkinization Symposium on The Decline and Fall of the American Republic
Ian Ayres. Carrots and Sticks: Unlock the Power of Incentives to Get Things Done (Bantam Books, 2010)
Mark Tushnet, Why the Constitution Matters (Yale University Press 2010)
Ian Ayres and Barry Nalebuff: Lifecycle Investing: A New, Safe, and Audacious Way to Improve the Performance of Your Retirement Portfolio (Basic Books, 2010)
Jack M. Balkin, The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life (2d Edition, Sybil Creek Press 2009)
Brian Z. Tamanaha, Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging (Princeton University Press 2009)
Andrew Koppelman and Tobias Barrington Wolff, A Right to Discriminate?: How the Case of Boy Scouts of America v. James Dale Warped the Law of Free Association (Yale University Press 2009)
Jack M. Balkin and Reva B. Siegel, The Constitution in 2020 (Oxford University Press 2009)
Heather K. Gerken, The Democracy Index: Why Our Election System Is Failing and How to Fix It (Princeton University Press 2009)
Mary Dudziak, Exporting American Dreams: Thurgood Marshall's African Journey (Oxford University Press 2008)
David Luban, Legal Ethics and Human Dignity (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007)
Ian Ayres, Super Crunchers: Why Thinking-By-Numbers is the New Way to be Smart (Bantam 2007)
Jack M. Balkin, James Grimmelmann, Eddan Katz, Nimrod Kozlovski, Shlomit Wagman and Tal Zarsky, eds., Cybercrime: Digital Cops in a Networked Environment (N.Y.U. Press 2007)
Jack M. Balkin and Beth Simone Noveck, The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds (N.Y.U. Press 2006)
Andrew Koppelman, Same Sex, Different States: When Same-Sex Marriages Cross State Lines (Yale University Press 2006)
Brian Tamanaha, Law as a Means to an End (Cambridge University Press 2006)
Sanford Levinson, Our Undemocratic Constitution (Oxford University Press 2006)
Mark Graber, Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (Cambridge University Press 2006)
Jack M. Balkin, ed., What Roe v. Wade Should Have Said (N.Y.U. Press 2005)
Sanford Levinson, ed., Torture: A Collection (Oxford University Press 2004) Balkin.com homepage Bibliography Conlaw.net Cultural Software Writings Opeds The Information Society Project BrownvBoard.com Useful Links Syllabi and Exams |