For the Balkinization symposium on Free Speech in Crisis and the Limits of the First Amendment.
Eugene Volokh[1]
The 2024 presidential campaign saw a massive disinformation and misinformation campaign, which likely helped bring the current administration into power. Leading media organizations failed to stop it in time. Indeed, some of them were complicit, through inadequate investigation and perhaps even willful blindness, in the misinformation. We thus face an urgent question, raised by the workshop organizers: “How can and should the media system be reformed?”
I’m speaking, of course, of the campaign to conceal President
Biden’s mental decline—a campaign that was only conclusively exposed by the
June 27, 2024 debate. At that point, little time was left for deciding whether
the President should be persuaded to step aside; for the actual persuasion; for
the selection of a replacement; and for the replacement’s attempt to persuade
the people to elect her.
Had the Administration leveled with the public earlier, or had the media exposed the concealment earlier, there would likely have been time for a full primary campaign, in which Democratic voters could have made their choice about whom to run against Donald Trump.[2] Perhaps that candidate would have been more effective than Kamala Harris. Or perhaps the candidate would have still been Harris, but a Harris who was seen as having more legitimacy with the public. “Democracy Dies in Darkness,” the Washington Post tells us. It appears that the Democratic Party’s prospects died in this particular darkness.[3]
The single most consequential fact of the 2024 Presidential
campaign had thus been largely hidden for a long time, including from (and,
perhaps unwittingly, by) the media organizations whose job it is to inform us.
Indeed, this was a fact not just of immense political significance, but also central
to national security: If President Biden was indeed cognitively impaired, that
bore on his ability to make decisions as President, not just his ability to be
re-elected.
When, for instance, Trump and Vance spread unfounded rumors
of Haitian immigrants eating cats and dogs, the media rightly blew the whistle.
But when some media outlets tried to point out the evidence of Biden’s likely
incapacity, others didn’t pick up on the investigation—and, indeed, sometimes
pooh-poohed the investigation.
As late as mid-June 2024, the White House and many of its
supporters characterized videos of Biden apparently freezing up and seeming
confused as “cheap fake” disinformation created by his enemies.[4] Indeed,
as Nate Silver has noted, “some coverage endorsed the White House party
line, particularly
in its tendency to characterize claims about Biden’s acuity as ‘misinformation.’”[5] Only Biden’s televised debate
performance on June 27, 2024 made it impossible to deny there was something
badly wrong. It seems likely that many of the supposed “cheap fakes” actually
accurately captured Biden’s cognitive slippage, especially since the slippage apparently
went back a good deal before the debate.[6]
And even if some particular videos had indeed been disinformation
from his enemies, the fact remains that the media failed to adequately identify
the disinformation from his friends.[7]
Indeed, isn’t it shocking that so many White House reporters appear to have
learned of Biden’s decline thanks only to the nationally televised debate and
not to their investigative journalism?[8]
Of course, reaching the truth on this question wasn’t easy.
Biden insiders apparently tried hard to conceal the facts (that’s the disinformation
part).[9]
And indeed it’s not surprising that people who are both personally loyal to a
President and rely on the President’s success for their ongoing careers would
want to conceal such facts. In our fallen world, we can’t expect much candor from
political insiders. And I expect most journalists sincerely believed the
reassurances they were getting from the insiders.
But getting sincerely duped isn’t a great professional mark
for a journalist.[10]
Their job was to dig and find out—before things became evident, not after (and
indeed some indications of Biden’s decline were indeed evident for some time
before the debate[11]). Alex Thompson, the coauthor of Original
Sin, elaborated on this problem:
“I had one conversation with someone, this was after the election, while we were reporting this book, and this person said, ‘Listen, yes, we deserve blame for X, Y, Z. We were hiding him. We were.’ But this person also sort of got in my face, and they said, ‘Listen, the media deserves some blame, too.’ Like we were sort of amazed at some of the stuff we were able to spin and get on,” he said.
Thompson admitted there was truth
to what the person was saying about the media and its lack of skepticism about
Biden’s administration.
“They’re just like, ‘You guys should not have believed us so easily.’ And I thought that was like a really interesting, but I also think that’s true,” he said. “I think the media, . . . in a lot of ways, was not skeptical enough and did not remember the less[on] that, they do it to different degrees, but every White House lies.”[12]
Indeed, to the extent that the media’s credibility has
declined over recent years, such failures of investigation seem likely to only
exacerbate this decline:
Undoubtedly, the White House wanted to keep this fact [of Biden’s decline] under wraps until Biden was safely over the finish line in November. But media organizations that participated, even unwittingly, in this farce have not only made a subsequent Democratic administration far less likely—they have profoundly undermined their own integrity.[13]
* * *
How could this happen? I hope we will learn more about this
in the years to come. But at this point, at least a first cut—informed by our
shared knowledge of human nature—is that many in the media likely didn’t dig
hard because they didn’t really wanted to uncover things.[14]
It isn’t controversial, I think, that most in the mainstream media much
preferred President Biden over his challenger, Donald Trump.[15]
Indeed, I agree they had good reason to dislike Trump. Certainly Trump himself
had done much to stoke that hostility.
“Biden is cognitively impaired” was a standard talking point
on the Right. So long as Biden was the nominee, that impairment, if demonstrated,
would help Trump.[16]
(As I’ve argued, if knowing of the impairment helped Democrats replace Biden with
a better candidate, the knowledge might have hurt Trump, but that would have
been a less direct chain of causation.) It’s human nature to accept stories
that fit one’s political preferences than to challenge them. A thought experiment:
If the sitting President in 2024 had been a Republican—whether Trump or, say,
an older Ron DeSantis—would the media have acted the same way they did? Or
would they have worked harder, dug deeper, and uncovered the truth earlier?
Yet of course institutions should be designed to counteract
the flaws generated by human nature while working within the constraints created
by human nature. (That knowledge was old when Madison was young.) This is true
of media institutions as well as governmental ones. There need to be mechanisms
to keep reporters’ and editors’ inevitable ideological predilections from
turning into ideological blinders and ideological blunders.
Of course, it’s much easier to identify the problem than a
suitable solution. One can imagine, for instance, newspapers deliberately seeking
out reporters and editors with many different ideological beliefs, hoping that
colleagues will fill each others’ blind spots (or, in collegial conversations,
help each other identify their blind spots). But this may be hard to implement;
and, as with preferences based on race and sex, preferences based on politics
may be challenged as leading to hiring based on ideology rather than merit. (They
may also be defended, as with preferences based on race and sex, as a tool for
fighting subconscious bias that keeps meritorious candidates from being fairly
considered.) Indeed, hiring that considers applicants’ ideological beliefs may
violate some states’ laws that limit employment discrimination based on
political ideology or party affiliation,[17]
just as hiring that considers applicants’ religious beliefs may violate bans on
employment discrimination based on religion.
Newspapers might also return to prohibiting reporters and
editors from publicly opining on controversial issues. Of course, realistic readers
will recognize that reporters may still be biased. But taking a public stand on
an issue may increase such bias: If one has publicly endorsed a position, it
might become harder to write fairly about evidence that instead tends to
support the rival position. Few of us like writing something that suggests that
we were mistaken in the past, or that our critics can interpret as making such a
suggestion.
Again, though, in some jurisdictions such public neutrality
rules for newspaper employees may violate state employment statutes. One state
court held (by a 5–4 vote) that those statutes themselves violate the First
Amendment when applied to newspaper reporters or editors.[18] But
in AP v. NLRB (1937), the U.S. Supreme Court held (also 5–4) that
federal labor law, which bans discrimination based on union membership, didn’t
violate the Associated Press’s rights to select reporters or editors.[19]
Likewise, one can imagine newspapers and magazines deliberately
courting a broad ideological mix of readers—not just for the extra revenue, but
also to commit themselves to having a base that they will need to be seen as
treating fairly. A publication that has many readers on the left, right, and
center might feel more pressure to be fair and careful to all sides. Of course,
it may be hard these days to acquire such a broad reader base. And there’s always
the danger that concern about reader reactions may press a newspaper to avoid
controversial topics altogether, rather than to try handling them fairly.
Finally, newspapers can just try to recommit themselves to
objectivity, fuzzy as the term may sometimes be. (Many commentators have
expressly taken the opposite view.[20])
In their news coverage, they may recommit to discussing the best arguments on
both sides of contested issues. In choosing what to cover, they may try hard to
see what both sides of the aisle view as especially important. On their
editorial pages, they may avoid a party line, either instituted top down[21]
or by staff revolts.[22]
Instead, they may adopt the policy that whatever ideas are shared by at least
substantial minorities of the public should be seriously covered, even when
editors think that one side is obviously wrong.
Again, though, that’s easier said than done (and it’s not
even that easily said). It will inevitably require hard choices that will leave
many observers skeptical about the media organization’s fairness —e.g., which
sides of a multi-sided issue should be covered, which topics are important
enough to cover, which positions are such outliers that they can be set aside,
how to allocate scarce space and attention. And it may not do much to solve the
problem we began with, which is the ability of media organizations to be
massively duped by the side they sympathize with.
Thus, these solutions are likely to be far from perfect. The
cures may even be worse than disease.
But there is indeed a disease, “a profoundly broken media
system” (to quote the workshop organizers). This system is one that the public
has good reason to distrust. Its flaws undermine the media’s ability to check government
malfeasance. It may have been so captured by the desire to #Resist one movement
that it failed to resist the disinformation spread by another. And it may thus have
ended up helping the very candidate and movement that it had (understandably)
viewed as dangerous.
Eugene Volokh is Senior Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford; Professor of Law Emeritus, UCLA. You can reach him by e-mail at volokh@stanford.edu.
[1]
For an early draft of this article, written before the books cited below came
out, see Eugene Volokh, “The 2024 Presidential Campaign Saw a Massive
Disinformation and Misinformation Campaign, …[”], Volokh Conspiracy, Mar.
31, 2025, https://reason.com/volokh/2025/03/31/the-2024-presidential-campaign-saw-a-massive-disinformation-and-misinformation-campaign/.
[2]
See, e.g., Chris Whipple, Uncharted: How Trump Beat Biden, Harris,
and the Odds in the Wildest Campaign in History 201 (2025) (quoting Leon
Panetta, White House Chief of Staff under Clinton and Secretary of Defense
under Obama, as making this point); Jonathan Allen & Amie Parnes, Fight:
Inside the Wildest Battle for the White House 86 (2025) (quoting “a Biden
ally” as making the same point); id. at 90 (inferring that long-time
Democratic Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi held a similar view); Jake Tapper
& Alex Thompson, Original Sin: President Biden's Decline, Its Cover-Up,
and His Disastrous Choice to Run Again 6 (2025) (“If history is any guide,
a competitive primary and caucus process would have produced a stronger Democratic
nominee . . . .”); Josh Barro, This
Is All Biden’s Fault, N.Y. Times, Nov. 11, 2024; Four Writers on What
Democrats Should Do, N.Y. Times, June 30, 2024.
[3]
See Tapper & Thompson, supra note 1,
at xiii (describing “Democrats inside and outside the White House” who “put
blinders on, participating in a charade that delivered the election directly
into Trump’s hands”).
[4]
See, e.g., Hanna Panreck, Karine Jean-Pierre Doubles Down on ‘Cheap
Fake’ Biden Videos: ‘So Much Misinformation’, Fox News, June 19, 2024.
[5]
Nate Silver, Did the Media Blow It on Biden?, Silver Bulletin, May 15,
2025, https://www.natesilver.net/p/did-the-media-blow-it-on-biden; see also Tapper
& Thompson, supra note 1,
at 100 (discussing the Biden White House’s “modus operandi for attacking any
journalists who covered any questions about the president’s age, enlisting a
corps of social media influencers, progressive reporters, and Democratic
operatives to besmirch as unprofessional and biased those in the news media
investigating this line of inquiry”).
[6]
See, e.g., Annie Linskey & Siobhan Hughes, Behind Closed Doors,
Biden Shows Signs of Slipping, Wall St. J., June 4, 2024; Michael Williams,
George Clooney Says Democrats Need a New Nominee Just Weeks After He
Headlined a Major Fundraiser for Biden, CNN, July 10, 2024; David Gilmour, CNN’s
Jake Tapper Argues Biden White House Misled Public ‘All the Time’ With ‘Cheap
Fake’ Spin, Mediaite, May 14, 2025, https://www.mediaite.com/tv/i-look-back-on-it-with-humility-jake-tapper-says-he-covered-bidens-cognitive-issues-but-admits-not-enough/;
Oliver Darcy, Straight from the Tapper, Status, May 25, 2025, https://www.status.news/p/jake-tapper-original-sin-book-interview
(“Conservative media have been raising questions about Biden's acuity for quite
some time. Our reporting, which began in earnest after the election when
Democrats were suddenly far more willing to talk, suggests that there was merit
to some of that early analysis, regardless of the various motives of any charge
in this hyper-partisan era.”).
[7]
See Tapper & Thompson, supra note 1,
at 144 (“Most news media coverage of [Special Counsel Robert Hur’s testimony to
Congress about his investigation of Biden, and his conclusions about Biden’s
decline] thus did not acknowledge the president’s long, rambling answers; the
troubling lapses of memory; and the disruptions in his thought process. Most
did not point out that Biden’s accusation about Hur bringing up Beau’s death
was false.”).
[8]
Zachary Leeman, Alex Thompson Recalls Dem Insider’s Shock At How ‘Easily’
Gullible Media Bought Into Their ‘Spin’ on Biden’s Health, Mediaite, May
21, 2025, https://www.mediaite.com/media/tv/alex-thompson-recalls-dem-insiders-shock-at-how-easily-gullible-media-bought-into-their-spin-on-bidens-health/
(statement from Thompson in embedded video) (“Certainly the media fell short,
and the biggest example of that is, if the media was on top of this, then
Biden’s debate performance should not have been such a shock to so many
people.”).
[9]
See id. at 204 (discussing the “lie” “that millions of Americans now
realized they’d been told for months, if not years: the lie that Joe Biden was
perfectly fine and up to the task of being president for four more years”).
[10]
See, e.g., Colby Hall, I Look Back on It With Humility’: Jake Tapper
Says He Covered Biden’s Cognitive Issues, But Admits ‘Not Enough’, Mediaite,
May 14, 2025, https://www.mediaite.com/tv/i-look-back-on-it-with-humility-jake-tapper-says-he-covered-bidens-cognitive-issues-but-admits-not-enough/.
[11]
See Silver, supra note 3
(describing many such indications, and noting, “when something is an open
secret to the extent Biden’s condition was among elites—to the point that many
people close to him felt it jeopardized national security—you’d hope for the
press to report on it more aggressively”); see also Paul Mirengoff, Joe
Biden’s Steep Decline: A Tale of Two Coverups, Ringside at the Reckoning,
May 16, 2025, https://ringsideatthereckoning.substack.com/p/joe-bidens-steep-decline-a-tale-of.
[12]
Zachary Leeman, Alex Thompson Recalls Dem Insider’s Shock At How ‘Easily’
Gullible Media Bought Into Their ‘Spin’ on Biden’s Health, Mediaite, May
21, 2025, https://www.mediaite.com/media/tv/alex-thompson-recalls-dem-insiders-shock-at-how-easily-gullible-media-bought-into-their-spin-on-bidens-health/.
[13]
Robby Soave, Why Didn’t the Media Notice Joe Biden’s ‘Jet Lag’ Sooner?,
Reason, July 3, 2024.
[14]
See Mirengoff, supra note 6.
[15]
Cf. The American Journalist, Key Findings from the 2022 American
Journalist Study (reporting that 51.7% of journalists identified as
Independent, 36.4% Democrat, 8.5% Other, and 3.4% Republican). I appreciate
that this is an online survey, and one that doesn’t specifically ask about
views on Trump; but it reinforces what is generally seen as conventional
wisdom, and I’ve seen no data pointing in the opposite direction.
[16]
Cf. Tapper & Thompson, supra note 1,
at 141 (discussing how “Biden’s media allies” dismissed Special Counsel Robert
Hur’s report that cast doubt on Biden’s cognitive capacity as “ageism,” and
quoting a New Republic writer as saying, “Any news org that puts Biden’s
memory in the headline is actively rewarding Hur’s bad faith and giving the
Trump campaign what they want.’”).
[17]
See Eugene Volokh, Should the Law Limit Private-Employer-Imposed
Speech Restrictions?, 2 J. Free Speech L. 269 (2022); Eugene Volokh, Private
Employees’ Speech and Political Activity: Statutory Protection Against Employer
Retaliation, 16 Tex. Rev. of L. & Pol. 295 (2012).
[18]
See Nelson v. McClatchy Newspapers, 131 Wash. 2d 523 (1997).
[19]
See also Ali v. L.A. Focus Publ’n, 112 Cal. App. 4th 1477, 1488 (2003)
(rejecting the claim that a newspaper “has the unfettered right to terminate an
employee for any [outside-the-newspaper] speech or conduct that is inconsistent
with the newspaper’s editorial policies”).
[20]
See, e.g., Leonard Downie Jr., Newsrooms That Move Beyond
‘Objectivity’ Can Build Trust, Wash. Post, Jan. 30, 2023.
[21]
See, e.g., Washington Post Owner Jeff Bezos Says Opinion Pages Will
Defend Free Market And ‘Personal Liberties’, PBS News, Feb. 26, 2025.
[22]
See, e.g., Marc Tracy, James Bennet Resigns as New York Times Opinion
Editor, N.Y. Times, June 7, 2020.