Last year, defenders of discriminatory marriage laws urged
the Supreme Court to defer to the judgment of state legislatures that had
denied marriage equality to same-sex couples.
This year, defenders of restrictive anti-abortion laws designed to
shutter abortion clinics are making the same argument, insisting that courts
have no warrant to decide whether a state’s abortion law actually serves
health-related purposes. This argument works no better a second time
around. When the Supreme Court hands
down its ruling in this Term’s blockbuster abortion case, the Justices should
make clear that courts should not rubberstamp laws that deny women liberty,
equality, and dignity.
At issue in the case of Whole
Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt, which will be heard by the Justices this
week, is a pair of onerous abortion regulations adopted by the state of Texas,
requiring physicians who perform abortions to have admitting privileges at a
hospital within 30 miles of the abortion clinic and requiring abortion clinics
to meet the standards for standalone surgical centers. Texas defends these laws, which would force
more than 75% of the state’s abortion clinics to close, insisting that the
Supreme Court must defer to the legislature’s view of what is necessary to
protect women’s health. According to
Texas, courts should not referee disputes about whether state regulation serves
a medical basis. Any other result, Texas
claims, would violate principles of federalism and turn the Supreme Court into
a medical board for the nation. Texas is
wrong—judicial opt out is just not how the Constitution works.
There is no more basic
principle of constitutional law than the duty of the courts to carefully
review challenged legislation to ensure its consistency with the
Constitution. When the Constitution was
written more than two centuries ago, its Framers made the courts the frontline
against state violations of the Constitution’s guarantees. The need for careful judicial scrutiny is
reflected in many Supreme Court decisions that limit the power of state
majorities to violate fundamental constitutional guarantees. Decisions vindicating rights ranging from freedom
of expression, to freedom from unreasonable searches and seizures, to
protection of personal liberty and equality under law all reflect that courts
must engage in searching review to ensure that states do not subvert
constitutional rights.
To ensure the full scope of liberty protected by the
Constitution, courts must pay close attention to the state needs asserted to
justify a deprivation of liberty. That’s
particularly important here. History
shows that states often denied women equal citizenship through legislation that
purported to protect their health and welfare, but in fact denied them equal
liberty, dignity, and autonomy. Texas’s
effort now to make it virtually impossible for women to exercise their
constitutionally guaranteed right to choose abortion—like long-outmoded laws
that denied women the right to work on the same terms as men—cannot be squared
with our Constitution’s promise of liberty, dignity, and equality for all.
Texas’s view of the law would allow states to do an end-run
around the Constitution, letting them manipulate constitutional rights out of
existence. Of course, that’s exactly what Texas wants. The very point of its restrictive abortion
laws—which single
out abortion providers for special regulations that are not applicable to
other medical procedures—is to make abortions practically unavailable in the
state. Rather than asking the Court to overrule
the long line of cases protecting a woman’s right to choose, Texas would subject
the abortion right to a death by 1,000 cuts, eliminating the “real substance”
of liberty that the Court’s decisions guarantee to women.
If the state’s argument that the Justices should defer to
political process sounds familiar, it should.
In last year’s landmark marriage equality case, states insisted that it
was up
to the people of the states, acting through the democratic process, to
decide whether loving, committed same-sex couples had the right to marry. Invoking principles of federalism, the states
argued—as Texas does now—that the Supreme Court should defer to their
judgment. The Court flatly rejected that
argument. As Justice Anthony Kennedy’s
opinion made clear, constitutional rights are not subject to a vote. When majorities in the legislature deny to
any group of people the full scope of liberty guaranteed by the Constitution,
courts have a constitutional obligation to strike down the acts of the
legislature.
Justice Kennedy’s
opinion declaring that marriage equality is the law of the land—a case that
Texas does not even mention in its brief—should loom large when the Justices
meet to consider Texas’s effort to close abortion clinics throughout the state. To strike down the Texas law, all Justice
Kennedy has to do is to repeat what he’s already written.
David H. Gans is the
Director of the Human Rights, Civil Rights & Citizenship Program at the
Constitutional Accountability Center.
This post is cross-posted at Text and History.