Discussion
1. Fisher appears to
be a compromise opinion that sends the case back to the Fifth Circuit but does
not purport to make new law. Following Grutter, Texas had added a race-conscious
component to its admissions policies because it believed that its existing
facially race-neutral policies-- which included Texas's Ten Percent Plan--produced inadequate educational diversity. The
plaintiffs disagreed, arguing that the use of race could not be narrowly tailored given the existence of formally race-neutral methods.
The court explained that narrow
tailoring “involves a careful judicial inquiry into whether a university could
achieve sufficient diversity without using racial classifications. Although `[n]arrow
tailoring does not require exhaustion of every conceivable race-neutral
alternative,’ strict scrutiny does require a court to examine with care, and
not defer to, a university's `serious, good faith consideration of workable
race-neutral alternatives.’ Grutter. Consideration by the university is
of course necessary, but it is not sufficient to satisfy strict scrutiny: The
reviewing court must ultimately be satisfied that no workable race-neutral
alternatives would produce the educational benefits of diversity. If ‘a nonracial approach ... could promote the
substantial interest about as well and at tolerable administrative expense,’
then the university may not consider race. Wygant v. Jackson Bd. of Ed.,
476 U.S.
267, 280, n. 6 (1986).”
Note the Court’s formulation of the narrow tailoring test, including its citation to Wygant (a plurality opinion from 1986). Will the Court’s narrow tailoring test make it more difficult for colleges and
universities to justify the use of race in admissions?
2. Justice Ginsburg criticizes the majority for treating
ten-percent and class-based affirmative action programs as race-neutral,
arguing that such plans are obviously race-conscious in purpose and design. Fisher suggests that the Court is
willing to recognize a difference between benign and invidious race-consciousness
in the creation of formally neutral programs and statutes (i.e., programs that
do not overtly make racial classifications). The Court also seems to be willing
to allow governments to use formally race-neutral means to achieve greater
representation of minorities in colleges and universities.
In this respect, Fisher seems to follow Justice Kennedy’s limiting concurrence in Parents Involved. On the other hand, is Fisher consistent with the plurality opinion in Parents Involved, which strongly opposed “racial balancing”? That depends on whether the plurality’s analysis applies only to situations where the government employs explicit racial classifications or considers race in distinguishing among citizens. Is Fisher consistent with Ricci?
In this respect, Fisher seems to follow Justice Kennedy’s limiting concurrence in Parents Involved. On the other hand, is Fisher consistent with the plurality opinion in Parents Involved, which strongly opposed “racial balancing”? That depends on whether the plurality’s analysis applies only to situations where the government employs explicit racial classifications or considers race in distinguishing among citizens. Is Fisher consistent with Ricci?