E-mail:
Jack Balkin: jackbalkin at yahoo.com
Bruce Ackerman bruce.ackerman at yale.edu
Ian Ayres ian.ayres at yale.edu
Corey Brettschneider corey_brettschneider at brown.edu
Mary Dudziak mary.l.dudziak at emory.edu
Joey Fishkin joey.fishkin at gmail.com
Heather Gerken heather.gerken at yale.edu
Abbe Gluck abbe.gluck at yale.edu
Mark Graber mgraber at law.umaryland.edu
Stephen Griffin sgriffin at tulane.edu
Jonathan Hafetz jonathan.hafetz at shu.edu
Jeremy Kessler jkessler at law.columbia.edu
Andrew Koppelman akoppelman at law.northwestern.edu
Marty Lederman msl46 at law.georgetown.edu
Sanford Levinson slevinson at law.utexas.edu
David Luban david.luban at gmail.com
Gerard Magliocca gmaglioc at iupui.edu
Jason Mazzone mazzonej at illinois.edu
Linda McClain lmcclain at bu.edu
John Mikhail mikhail at law.georgetown.edu
Frank Pasquale pasquale.frank at gmail.com
Nate Persily npersily at gmail.com
Michael Stokes Paulsen michaelstokespaulsen at gmail.com
Deborah Pearlstein dpearlst at yu.edu
Rick Pildes rick.pildes at nyu.edu
David Pozen dpozen at law.columbia.edu
Richard Primus raprimus at umich.edu
K. Sabeel Rahmansabeel.rahman at brooklaw.edu
Alice Ristroph alice.ristroph at shu.edu
Neil Siegel siegel at law.duke.edu
David Super david.super at law.georgetown.edu
Brian Tamanaha btamanaha at wulaw.wustl.edu
Nelson Tebbe nelson.tebbe at brooklaw.edu
Mark Tushnet mtushnet at law.harvard.edu
Adam Winkler winkler at ucla.edu
One interesting difference between the use of history and philosophy in constitutional interpretation is that while a great many philosophers endorse some version of Ronald Dworkin's call for a fusion of moral theory and constitutional law, hardly any prominent historian is an originalism. The reason is not that most contemporary historians are liberal. As numerous Supreme Court briefs demonstrate, constructing originalist arguments for liberal positions has not proven particularly challenging. Rather, the standard versions of originalism exhibit little knowlege of historical practice.
One commonly claimed virtue of originalism is that anchoring constitutional meaning in original understandings/meanings is more objective than turning to philosophy. But as any good historian knows, debates over objectivity in history are just as intense as debates over objectivity in philosophy (see THAT NOBLE DREAM, a history of the history profession that ought to be mandatory reading for anyone doing originalism). Of course, maybe proponents of objectivity in history are right. But it might also be the case that proponents of objectivity in philosophy are right. The more important point is that no powerful reason exists for amateurs (i.e., law professors and judges without advanced degrees in the relevant subject) to assume that one discipline is more objective than the other.
Even assuming history is objective in theory, the practice hardly provides much objectivity for amateurs. Consider the history of Reconstruction (Randy Kennedy has a nice piece on this in the Yale Law Journal). Historians at different time periods have told different stories about what and who was important from 1865-1876. Did Radicals have to compromise their principles to Conservatives (Benedict), or did Republicans constitutionalize the fundamental free labor principles underlying the anti-slavery crusade of the 1850s (Foner). Worse, as Pamela Brandwein demonstrates in a wonderful book, Reconstructing Reconstruction, both politics and internal changes in history structure how past events are interpreted and the very sources historians use when making interpretation.
In short, the history of the history of interpreting the original meaning/understanding of constitutional provisions is likely to reflect the dominant philosophical understandings of those principles. The correspondence will not be perfect, but close enough to suggest that originalism is not that dramatic an alternative to more moral constitutional readings. And where there is a difference, historians are likely to point out that the lack of correspondence is based on the framers holding understandings that we now reject or cannot fully recover.
Good histories typically find that constitutional meanings were contested even as they were framed and ratified. Good legal history can identify important strands of our constitutional tradition, but the choice among those strands is ours, even when we claim James Madison made us do it. Posted
11:01 AM
by Mark Graber [link]
No originalists seem any longer to rely upon original intent of framers/founders. Their focus is upon original meaning and orginal understanding. And original understanding is to be measured by the public at the time of framing/adoption. But the "public" is not defined. Should the "public" be limited to white males who could vote? In any event, do all members of this "public" have to understand the same way? Might there not be regional differences as to the "public's" original understanding? If so, doesn't original understanding present many of the same problems presented by original intent? How much reading of the past must we in the present have to do to determine original meaning/understanding? Frankly, I don't have the time and perhaps neither do others who describe themselves as originalists. All of us are selective in whom and what we rely upon in trying to understand the Constitution.
No one can "really" know anything, all things are an enigma, we might as well just make up the constitution as we go along because there is no view is any less or more illegitimate that originalism.
I have posted on some related issues here: http://expost.blogspot.com/2005/06/and-speaking-of-leiter-and-originalism.html
It seems to me that the Rortyan fun with objectivity as an impossible dream in philosophy can serve some useful functions, but ultimately cannot do away with the fact that there is still a real world and we must, imperfectly as will, attempt to manage more smoothly our interaction with it. The recalcitrance of reality, the recalcitrance of texts, is a factor insufficiently attended to by all versions of skepticism, from the Pre-Socratics to Richard Rorty. We can all still look at the due process clause and understand why Henry Monaghan refers to our current "substantive due process" jurisprudence as "due substance." We can see why the latter words are more accurate, and we can see that they are not at all the same as what is in the constitution.
We do not need outre theories of observation to see the difference, and such theorizing also cannot erase the difference. Claims that such obvious departures from textual meaning as substantive due process jurisprudence are somehow supported by the latest skeptical trends in allied disciplines (philosophy, literary theory, historiography, etc.) are simply frivolous on their surface.
These claims are always made by articulate people who use language confidently even as they try to mystify about just how unreliable language is (like the written words of laws) as a bearer of discernible meaning over time. Yet they confidently rely upon elderly English translations of even more antique texts by Kant (and much further back as well) to get the whole project going. And these historians, whatever their rightful humility about the choices the make, do they take themselves to be writing fiction, advocacy, or history? Can they tell a difference?
And just to be clear, the reason I think that my own post is partially responsive to Prof. Graber's is this: even if it is true that my judgments about past events will in some ways inevitably be affected by my views of the present, I can still tell a difference in activities (hence my question at the end about the historians' self-understandings).
I can also, despite the inevitability of some residual or unconscious bias, look at some old laws and see that, despite my wishes, they just don't mean what I wish they meant. Nothing in the historians' (or anyone else's) general skepticism would permit me to abandon, at that moment, the original meaning for my own current preference. That is the superiority of originalism over Dworkinian approaches.
In a nutshell, anytime I could see a difference between the originalist result (namely something repugnant to me) and the Dworkinian result (which will necessarily comport with my best moral judgment), I should, for rule of law reasons AND the reasons of skepticism adduced by Prof. Graber, choose the originalist interpretation.
That is, if it is true that my own biases will affect my reading of history, then when I think Madison did something I don't like, I guess I should trust that judgement. Thus, a fortiori, originalism is better since it will either be (a) indistinguishable in practice from Dworkin's approach or (b) be a reliable indicator, since my skepticism about things suggests I will find answers I want rather than answers I don't.